For archives, these articles are being stored on TheWE.biz website.
The purpose is to advance understandings of environmental, political,
human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues.

 
Former SAS soldier Ben Griffin blows apart Miliband denial of UK torture involvement.
Written by Stewart office
Monday, 25 February 2008
...The use of British Territory and airspace pales into insignificance in light of the fact that it has been British soldiers detaining the victims of Extraordinary Rendition in the first place.
Since the invasion of Afghanistan in the autumn of 2001 UKSF has operated within a joint US/UK Task Force.
Former SAS soldier Ben Griffin blows apart Miliband denial of UK torture involvement.

Picture: www.stopwar.org.uk
This Task Force has been responsible for the detention of hundreds if not thousands of individuals in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Individuals detained by British soldiers within this Task force have ended up in Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp, Bagram Theatre Internment Facility, Balad Special Forces Base, Camp Nama BIAP and Abu Ghraib Prison.
...These secretive prisons are part of a global network in which individuals face torture and are held indefinately without charge.
All of this is in direct contravention of the Geneva Conventions, International Law and the UN Convention Against Torture.
...Camp Nama at Baghdad International Airport during 2004... this facility was used to interrogate individuals captured by the joint US/UK Task Force.
In it are the details of numerous breaches of the Geneva Convention and accounts of torture.
These breaches were not the actions of rogue elements.
The abuse was systematic and sanctioned through the chain of command.
...Throughout my time in Iraq I was in no doubt that individuals detained by UKSF and handed over to our American colleagues would be tortured.
Complete Article
At another time, Jeff saw a British SAS officer beat a detainee:
[It] was a beating in a kind of a bunker behind the main facility. . . .
this British guy actually who wasn’t supposed to be interrogating anybody — a British soldier.
SAS.   That’s all I know about him.   I don’t know his name or anything.
But we went back there and he gave the guy a pretty good pounding.
Nothing really in the face.
A lot of stomach shots, and I would say two or three groin shots, very harsh.
A knee to the abdomen.
Thrown against the wall and so forth.
Human Rights Watch — Soldiers’ Accounts
 
Revealed: MI5's role in torture flight hell
· British source tells of betrayal to CIA
· 'I was stripped and hauled to US base'
David Rose
Sunday July 29, 2007
An Iraqi who was a key source of intelligence for MI5 has given the first ever full insider's account of being seized by the CIA and bundled on to an illegal 'torture flight' under the programme known as extraordinary rendition.
In a remarkable interview for The Observer, British resident Bisher al-Rawi has told how he was betrayed by the security service despite having helped keep track of Abu Qatada, the Muslim cleric accused of being Osama bin Laden's 'ambassador in Europe'.
He was abducted and stripped naked by US agents, clad in nappies, a tracksuit and shackles, blindfolded and forced to wear ear mufflers, then strapped to a stretcher on board a plane bound for a CIA 'black site' jail near Kabul in Afghanistan.
Occupation forces
question Bagdad citizen
He was taken on to the jail at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba before being released last March and returned to Britain after four years' detention without charge.
'All the way through that flight I was on the verge of screaming,' al-Rawi said.
'At last we landed, I thought, thank God it's over.
But it wasn't - it was just a refuelling stop in Cairo.
There were hours still to go ... My back was so painful, the handcuffs were so tight.
All the time they kept me on my back.
Once, I managed to wriggle a tiny bit, just shifted my weight to one side.
Then I felt someone hit my hand.
Even this was forbidden.'
He was thrown into the CIA's 'Dark Prison,' deprived of all light 24 hours a day in temperatures so low that ice formed on his food and water.
He was taken to Guantanamo in March 2003 and released after being cleared of any involvement in terrorism by a tribunal.
A report by Parliament's intelligence and security committee last week disclosed that, although the Americans warned MI5 it planned to render al-Rawi in advance, in breach of international law, the British did not intervene on the grounds he did not have a UK passport.
The government claimed he was the responsibility of Iraq, which he fled as a teenager when his father was tortured by Saddam Hussein's regime.
Nine people killed by US attack
23 people wounded
Kerbala, Iraq
The report confirmed that al-Rawi, 39, was only held after MI5 sent the CIA a telegram, stating he was an 'Islamic extremist' who had a timer for an improvised bomb in his luggage.
In reality, before al-Rawi left London, police confirmed the device was a battery charger from Argos.
The committee accepted MI5's claim, given in secret testimony, that it had not wanted the Americans to arrest him, in November 2002, concluding the incident had damaged US-UK relations.
But al-Rawi alleged that the CIA told him they had been given the contents of his own MI5 file - information he had given his handlers freely when he was working as their source.
He said an MI5 lawyer had given him 'cast iron' assurances that anything he told them would be treated in the strictest confidence and, if he ever got into trouble, MI5 would do everything in its power to help him.
When al-Rawi was in Guantanamo, he asked the American authorities to find his former MI5 handlers so they would corroborate his story but, because he did not know their surnames, MI5 said it could not assist.
The committee report cited MI5 testimony claiming that when al-Rawi was transported in December 2002, it could not have known how harsh his treatment might be.
Yet eight months earlier, Amnesty International had published a lengthy report on US detention in Afghanistan, quoting several ex-prisoners who described conditions very similar to those experienced by al-Rawi.
He had conveyed messages between the preacher Abu Qatada and MI5 when Qatada was supposedly in hiding in 2002.
At MI5's behest, he came close to arranging a meeting between the two sides.
Al-Rawi has now spoken out in an effort to help his friend Jamil el-Banna, who remains in Guantanamo.
A Jordan-ian who also lived in London for years, where his wife and five children are British citizens, he too has been cleared by the Americans.
However, he has been unable to leave Guantanamo because Jacqui Smith, the Home Secretary, says she is reviewing his right of residence on national security grounds.
Sarah Teather, the Liberal Democrat MP for Brent East in London, where el-Banna lives, said his case revealed 'decrepitude at the heart of the government'.
The government had 'no regard for the welfare of his children'.
His lawyers have filed a statement from al-Rawi as part of a judicial review case.
In the action, they accuse MI5 of having a 'causative role' in both men's ordeals, stating it was 'complicit' in the illegal rendition and guilty of an 'abuse of power'.
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2007
 

Boeing: Accused of Running Torture Travel Agency
By Rick Anderson
The Seattle Weekly
Saturday 02 December 2006
[Images inserted by TheWE.biz]
A British author and an ex-prisoner's attorney say that records uncovered by Spanish investigators show Boeing has a direct role in "extreme renditions" — planning and organizing the flights through a unit of its Seattle commercial airplane division.
Since 2003, human-rights investigators and news media reports have described a Boeing Business Jet as one of the most-dreaded planes in the Central Intelligence Agency's clandestine air force.
The modified 737 — a model rolled out in Renton in 2001 — was built for executive fun and comfort.
But it is alleged to be the flagship of the CIA's "extreme rendition" squadron, ferrying suspected terrorists to secret agency prisons or countries where the U.S. is said to outsource torture.
  Palestine
Boeing has more direct role
The use of this jet, with a 6,000-mile flying range and plush customized cabin, has until now been Boeing's only connection to the prison airlifts.
But a British author and an ex-prisoner's attorney say that records uncovered by Spanish investigators show Boeing has a more direct role - planning and organizing the flights through a unit of its Seattle commercial airplane division.
Boeing won't confirm or deny the claim. But the Spanish documents, and an investigation by Amnesty International and the Council of Europe, indicate Boeing was making arrangements for as many as 1,000 rendition flights through 14 countries by four CIA planes, including that notorious Boeing Business Jet.
"Travel agent for the CIA seems the right words," Stephen Grey says of Boeing's role.
A British author, he has written about prisoner rendition and the CIA's global torture program in his new book, Ghost Plane, in which he has documented about 90 rendition flights.
The Bush administration has acknowledged transfers of Al Qaeda suspects to Guantánamo Bay but has denied the U.S. engages in torture-transfer flights.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said in 2005 that the United States "does not use the airspace or the airports of any county" for such purposes. Senate Democrats, who take control in January, are promising a full investigation.
According to Grey and others, a wholly owned Boeing subsidiary called Jeppesen Inc. cleared the airways and runways for the CIA, providing landing and navigation assistance, scheduling flight crews, and booking hotels for them. Jeppesen is a unit of Boeing's Seattle-based Commercial Aviation Division.
The cargo of prisoners includes many who say they were tortured and others who claim to have been mistakenly abducted and abused.
One detainee, Khaled el-Masri, a German of Lebanese decent who is suing the CIA and aviation companies under the Alien Tort Statute for alleged Fifth Amendment (due process) violations, says he now plans to add Boeing to his lawsuit.
Masri "was injected with a drug and chained to the floor of the plane," says his attorney, Ben Wizner of the New York ACLU.
"I don't think anybody would hold Boeing responsible for manufacturing the plane.
However, the emergence of [Boeing's flight-assistance role] changes all that."
The prisoner flights, launched by the Clinton administration to transfer foreign suspects to trial in the United States, became a darker undertaking following 9/11.
George W. Bush approved what critics say amounts to the kidnapping of foreign nationals, some flown to countries such as Morocco or Egypt, known for abusive interrogation techniques.
Others were taken to a system of CIA prisons in Afghanistan and Europe, or the U.S. compound in Guantánamo, rights groups say.
In his book, Grey cites documents showing Boeing made travel arrangements for the CIA flights.
He does not specifically name Boeing, but in a phone conversation last week with Seattle Weekly, Grey confirmed that Spanish government documents he obtained name Jeppesen's International Trip Planning unit as rendition flights planner.
Thursday, 28 December 2006
Hunt for CIA 'black site' in Poland
By Nick Hawton
BBC News, Szymany, Poland
I stood at the end of the frozen runway, peering through the mist, trying to make out the terminal building in the distance.
Hunt for CIA 'black site' in Poland.

Unusual flights arrived at Szymany airport in 2003
Unusual flights arrived at Szymany airport in 2003
It was exactly at this spot, and under the cover of darkness, that the CIA planes did their business.
"They always followed the same procedure," says Mariola Przewlocka, the manager at the remote Szymany airport in north-east Poland when the strange flights arrived during 2003.
"We were always told to keep away. The planes would stay at the end of the runway, often with their engines running. A couple of military vans from the nearby intelligence base would go up to them, stay a while and then drive off, out of the airport.
'Cash payments'
"I saw several of these flights but never saw inside the vans because they had tinted windows and they never stopped at the terminal building.
"Payment was always made in cash. The invoices were made out to American companies but they were probably fake," says Mrs Przewlocka.
Hunt for CIA 'black site' in Poland.

European MPs visited Poland to investigate the claims
European MPs visited Poland to investigate the claims
In September 2006, President Bush admitted what had been suspected for a long time - that the CIA had been running a special programme to transport and interrogate leading members of Al-Qaeda, away from the public spotlight.
Human rights groups have expressed concerns that the prisoners may have been tortured.
The hunt has been on ever since to locate the secret prisons, or "black sites" as they are known.
Poland and Romania have been named by investigators as hosting such sites.
The claims are denied by both governments.
CIA landings
After a week of meetings in smoky Warsaw restaurants and coffee bars with Polish intelligence sources, airport workers and journalists, I obtained what I had been looking for, and something that nobody in authority wanted to reveal, the flight log of planes landing at Szymany airport.
They confirmed my eyewitness's account - that a well-known CIA Gulfstream plane, the N379P, had made several landings at the airport in 2003.
The plane has been strongly linked to the transportation of Al-Qaeda terrorists [sic thewe.biz].
Another plane, a Boeing 737, had flown direct from Kabul to this remote Polish airport.
Hunt for CIA 'black site' in Poland.

Map of Szymany airport in Poland
"There is no particular reason for a Gulfstream to stop there. So there has to be a reason why the plane is stopping there and the fact that everyone is trying to conceal this reason makes it all the more interesting to try to find out what it is," says Anne Fitzgerald from Amnesty International.
I followed the route of the military vans from the airport to the nearby secret Polish intelligence base at the village of Stare Kiejkuty.
Surrounded by double-lined fences, security cameras and thick pine forest, visitors are not welcome.
'Secret prison'
Within five minutes of stopping the car I was approached by a man in a military uniform who made it clear he wanted me to leave.
Was this where a CIA secret prison had been located?
A committee of European parliamentarians who investigated the CIA secret prison programme subsequently concluded in a report:
"In the light of... serious circumstantial evidence, a temporary secret detention facility may have been located at the intelligence training centre at Stare Kiejkuty."
I think it's quite probable there was a kind of transfer site, a black site, in Poland.
Jozef Pinior, Polish politician
Others go further. Marc Garlasco is a senior military analyst with Human Rights Watch.
He says: "It's almost a foregone conclusion that Poland hosted a CIA Black Site."
But the authorities in Poland do not want to talk about it.
All requests for interviews with government ministers were rejected.
The European parliamentarians met a similar wall of silence.
One civil servant from the prime minister's office claimed a secret, internal inquiry had concluded there had been no "black site" in Poland.
Others disagree.
"I think it's quite probable there was a kind of transfer site, a black site, in Poland. There is a Kafka-like mood in Warsaw. No one from the government has the will to answer our questions," says Jozef Pinior, a senior Polish politician, who has called for a commission to investigate the claims.
With Polish troops serving in Afghanistan and Iraq, and with the United States as the country's key ally, there is no desire to delve into the secret deals made in the secret war against international terrorism.
The US State Department has said it always complies with its laws and treaty obligations and respects the sovereignty of other countries.
But the truth of Poland's role may soon emerge.
The new Democrat-controlled US Congress may begin its own investigation into the CIA secret prisons programme in the next few months.
Boeing bought the Denver-based company, then called Jeppesen Sanderson, in 2000 for $1.5 billion from the (Chicago) Tribune Co., whose mixed portfolio includes the Los Angeles Times and the Chicago Cubs.
John Hayhurst, then a Boeing vice president here, hailed Jeppesen as "another enduring global brand" for Boeing's business roster.
Boeing later bought two related companies and expanded the Jeppesen unit, offering electronic mapping and navigation services to airline, general aviation, and government customers along with flight and trip planning.
Spain's largest newspaper, El Pais, last year reported that Jeppesen was named the CIA's flight arranger in investigative documents compiled by Spanish police.
More recently, The New Yorker magazine noted the connection, reporting "it is not widely known that the [CIA] has turned to a division of Boeing, the publicly traded blue-chip behemoth, to handle many of the logistical and navigational details for these [rendition] trips."
On its Web site, Boeing boasts: "From Aachen to Zhengzhou, King Airs to 747s, Jeppesen has done it all."
But what, exactly, has it done?
How deep is Boeing's involvement in the rendition flights?
The company won't specifically say.
From Chicago headquarters, Boeing spokesperson Tim Neale points out that flight planning is done for "thousands and thousands of customers each year.   It's done on a confidential basis, and unless a customer authorizes us to comment, we can't."
He adds: "Jeppesen's flight planning process is to provide the route that is going to be followed, how much fuel is needed on board, where they will stop, and how many people will be on board, for weight reasons.
"We don't necessarily know very much about the purpose of a flight because that information isn't necessary to create a flight plan.   What somebody's going to do when they get off is not part of that plan."
Killed in U.S. raid
It's not publicly known how much Boeing, the nation's No. 2 defense contractor, earned from the flights.
The CIA, a stand-alone agency, does not reveal its contracts and agency work can be billed through other government departments, including the Pentagon. Jeppesen has done $7.7 million in defense contracting since Boeing bought it in 2000, based on a review of Pentagon records.
Grey says he plans to soon post on the Internet "assorted aviation documents including Jeppesen planning data" that confirm Boeing's role (Update: Grey posted the flight logs recently at www.ghostplane.net.).
The documents include, he says, a 2004 Boeing-arranged flight on the Boeing jet from Morocco through Spain and on to Afghanistan, which coincides with the Masri case.
Masri was mistaken as an Al Qaeda suspect and arrested by Macedonia officials on New Year's Eve 2003.
In a Virginia federal lawsuit filed against ex-CIA Director George Tenet and others, Masri says he was "forcibly abducted" in Macedonia and handed over to U.S. officials.
He was beaten, drugged, and eventually flown to a CIA prison in Afghanistan, he says.
Five months after his abduction, the suit notes, "Mr. El-Masri was deposited at night, without explanation, on a hill in Albania" — and that was two months after U.S. officials realized they made a mistake, the suit says.
'State Secrets'
The lawsuit was thrown out earlier this year, not because it lacked merit but because it could lead to disclosure of state secrets, a federal judge ruled.
Masri is appealing and Wizner, his attorney, was scheduled to make his arguments this week before a Virginia appeals court.
"Obviously," says Wizner, "before we can add Boeing to the suit, we have to get it reinstated.   It's a real hurdle — the CIA is, in effect, claiming immunity, that they're never liable in such cases."
He's buoyed by three federal court rulings in recent months that rejected similar government-secrets argument — all of them cases involving challenges to warrantless eavesdropping authorized by President Bush.
"If the el-Masri suit can continue, we would try to develop evidence that people within Jeppesen were aware that detainees were being subjected to human rights abuses on these flights," Wizner says.
"If we can show that, Boeing should by all rights be a defendant."
The Sunday Times - World
February 19, 2006
US military planes criss-cross Europe using bogus call sign
Jon Swain and Brian Johnson-Thomas in Rome
THE American military have been operating flights across Europe using a call sign assigned to a civilian airline that they have no legal right to use.
Not only is the call sign bogus — according to the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) — so, it appears, are some of the aircraft details the Americans have filed with the air traffic control authorities.
In at least one case, a plane identified with the CIA practice of “extraordinary rendition” — transporting terrorist suspects — left a US air base just after the arrival of an aircraft using the bogus call sign.
The call sign Juliet Golf Oscar (JGO) followed by a flight number belongs, says the ICAO, to a now bankrupt Canadian low-cost airline called Jetsgo of Montreal.
But for several years and as recently as last December it has been used selectively by both the American air force and army to cover the flights of aircraft to and from the Balkans.
These range from Learjet 35 executive jets to C-130 transport planes and MC-130P Combat Shadows, which are specially adapted for clandestine missions in politically sensitive or hostile territory.
A Sunday Times analysis of flight plans and radio logs has placed these aircraft at locations including Tuzla in Bosnia, Pristina in Kosovo, Aviano, the site of a large joint US-Italian military air base in northern Italy, and Ramstein in Germany, the headquarters of the US Air Forces in Europe (USAFE).
On December 11, 2004, USAFE in Ramstein filed a flight plan for a Learjet 35 to fly from Tuzla to Aviano.   The flight plan was copied to 15 addressees including Tuzla airport, Aviano airport and a mysterious recipient labelled “xxxxxxxx”.
The aircraft’s identity was given as JGO 80, the flight was a Learjet 35 operated by the Department of Defence and the registration was 99999E.
The status of the flight was given as “humanitarian”.   But it was also given as “state”, which means government, and as “protected”, which means diplomatic.
During the time the plane was in the air, USAFE changed some of the flight plan timings and at the same time the registration changed.   The aircraft metamorphosed into 40112E but continued to be a Learjet 35 and was still JGO 80 and a humanitarian, government and diplomatic flight.
While the Learjet was on the ground at Tuzla, an Ilyushin 76 was loading a cargo of 45 tons of surplus weapons and ammunition sold off by the Bosnian military and destined for Rwanda in defiance of a UN embargo.
The Ilyushin left Tuzla, flew over Italy and headed south in the direction of Africa.   The American Learjet took off 55 minutes later.
In a report exposing arms trafficking to war-torn central Africa, Amnesty International has suggested that “US security authorities were engaged in a covert operation to ferry arms to Rwanda in the face of political opposition from the European Union”.
Another interesting convergence of flights occurred in February 2004.   On February 24, an MC-130P Combat Shadow using the call sign JGO 50 took off from Aviano for an unknown destination.
Two days later, on February 26, the aircraft left Pristina for Tuzla.   A short while after that, a Gulfstream 5 executive jet, call sign JGO 47, flew from Tuzla to Aviano, arriving at 23.11 GMT.   The next day, a Learjet 35 using the call sign SPAR 92 left Aviano for an unknown destination.
SPAR is short for Special Air Resources, an American military airlift service that transports senior military officers and civilian VIPs.
However, SPAR 92 has been identified as the aircraft which was used by the CIA secretly to transport a Muslim preacher who was kidnapped by CIA agents in Milan in 2003.
A USAFE spokesman last week said American aircraft using the JGO call sign were performing “Joint Guard Operations” for the Nato/European peacekeeping mission in the Balkans.
However, inquiries have shown that the military operation called “Joint Guard” ended in 1998.   They also show that none of the US aircraft deployed in it match ones using the JGO call sign.
A spokesman for the ICAO said: “Our records indicate that the designator JGO is still assigned to Jetsgo and the ICAO does not assign the same code to two operators.”
Additional reporting: Peter Danssaert
Copyright 2006   Times Newspapers Ltd.
Jet Is an Open Secret in Terror War
By Dana Priest
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, December 27, 2004; Page A011
The airplane is a Gulfstream V turbojet, the sort favored by CEOs and celebrities.  But since 2001 it has been seen at military airports from Pakistan to Indonesia to Jordan, sometimes being boarded by hooded and handcuffed passengers.

This Gulfstream V turbojet is believed to be used to transport suspected terrorists to other countries for interrogation
— a practice called rendition.
(Special To The Washington Post)
The plane's owner of record, Premier Executive Transport Services Inc., lists directors and officers who appear to exist only on paper.  And each one of those directors and officers has a recently issued Social Security number and an address consisting only of a post office box, according to an extensive search of state, federal and commercial records.
Bryan P. Dyess, Steven E. Kent, Timothy R. Sperling and Audrey M. Tailor are names without residential, work, telephone or corporate histories — just the kind of "sterile identities," said current and former intelligence officials, that the CIA uses to conceal involvement in clandestine operations.  In this case, the agency is flying captured terrorist suspects from one country to another for detention and interrogation.
The CIA calls this activity "rendition."  Premier Executive's Gulfstream helps make it possible.  According to civilian aircraft landing permits, the jet has permission to use U.S. military airfields worldwide.
Since Sept. 11, 2001, secret renditions have become a principal weapon in the CIA's arsenal against suspected al Qaeda terrorists, according to congressional testimony by CIA officials.  But as the practice has grown, the agency has had significantly more difficulty keeping it secret.
According to airport officials, public documents and hobbyist plane spotters, the Gulfstream V, with tail number N379P, has been used to whisk detainees into or out of Jakarta, Indonesia; Pakistan; Egypt; and Sweden, usually at night, and has landed at well-known U.S. government refueling stops.
As the outlines of the rendition system have been revealed, criticism of the practice has grown.  Human rights groups are working on legal challenges to renditions, said Morton Sklar, executive director of the World Organization for Human Rights USA, because one of their purposes is to transfer captives to countries that use harsh interrogation methods outlawed in the United States.  That, he said, is prohibited by the U.N. Convention on Torture.
The CIA has the authority to carry out renditions under a presidential directive dating to the Clinton administration, which the Bush administration has reviewed and renewed.  The CIA declined to comment for this article.
"Our policymakers would never confront the issue," said Michael Scheuer, a former CIA counterterrorism officer who has been involved with renditions and supports the practice.   "We would say, 'Where do you want us to take these people?' The mind-set of the bureaucracy was, 'Let someone else do the dirty work.' "
The story of the Gulfstream V offers a rare glimpse into the CIA's secret operations, a world that current and former CIA officers said should not have been so easy to document.
Not only have the plane's movements been tracked around the world, but the on-paper officers of Premier Executive Transport Services are also connected to a larger roster of false identities.
Each of the officers of Premier Executive is linked in public records to one of five post office box numbers in Arlington, Oakton, Chevy Chase and the District.   A total of 325 names are registered to the five post office boxes.
An extensive database search of a sample of 44 of those names turned up none of the information that usually emerges in such a search: no previous addresses, no past or current telephone numbers, no business or corporate records.   In addition, although most names were attached to dates of birth in the 1940s, '50s or '60s, all were given Social Security numbers between 1998 and 2003.
The Washington Post showed its research to the CIA, including a chart connecting Premier Executive's officers, the post office boxes, the 325 names, the recent Social Security numbers and an entity called Executive Support OFC.   A CIA spokesman declined to comment.
According to former CIA operatives experienced in using "proprietary," or front, companies, the CIA likely used, or intended to use, some of the 325 names to hide other activities, the nature of which could not be learned.  The former operatives also noted that the agency devotes more effort to producing cover identities for its operatives in the field, which are supposed to stand up under scrutiny, than to hiding its ownership of a plane.
The CIA's plane secret began to unravel less than six weeks after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.
On Oct. 26, 2001, Masood Anwar, a Pakistani journalist with the News in Islamabad, broke a story asserting that Pakistani intelligence officers had handed over to U.S. authorities a Yemeni microbiologist, Jamil Qasim Saeed Mohammed, who was wanted in connection with the October 2000 bombing of the USS Cole.
The report noted that an aircraft bearing tail number N379P, and parked in a remote area of a little-used terminal at the Karachi airport, had whisked Mohammed away about 2:40 a.m. Oct. 23.  The tail number was also obtained by The Post's correspondent in Pakistan but not published.
The News article ricocheted among spy-hunters and Web bloggers as a curiosity for those interested in divining the mechanics of the new U.S.-declared war on terrorism.
At 7:54:04 p.m. Oct. 26, the News article was posted on FreeRepublic.com, which bills itself as "a conservative news forum."
Thirteen minutes later, a chat-room participant posted the plane's registered owners: Premier Executive Transport Services Inc., of 339 Washington St., Dedham, Mass.
"Sounds like a nice generic name," one blogger wrote in response.  "Kind of like Air America" — a reference to the CIA's secret civilian airlines that flew supplies, food and personnel into Southeast Asia, including Laos, during the Vietnam War.
Eight weeks later, on Dec. 18, 2001, American-accented men wearing hoods and working with special Swedish security police brought two Egyptian nationals onto a Gulfstream V that was parked at night at Stockholm's Bromma Airport, according to Swedish officials and airport personnel interviewed by Swedish television's "Cold Facts" program.  The account was confirmed independently by The Post.  The plane's tail number: N379P.
Wearing red overalls and bound with handcuffs and leg irons, the men, who had applied for political asylum in Sweden, were flown to Cairo, according to Swedish officials and documents.  Ahmed Agiza was convicted by Egypt's Supreme Military Court of terrorism-related charges; Muhammad Zery was set free.  Both say they were tortured while in Egyptian custody.  Sweden has opened an investigation into the decision to allow them to be rendered.
A month later, in January 2002, a U.S.-registered Gulfstream V landed at Jakarta's military airport.  According to Indonesian officials, the plane carried away Muhammad Saad Iqbal Madni, an Egyptian traveling on a Pakistani passport and suspected of being an al Qaeda operative who had worked with shoe bomber suspect Richard C. Reid.  Without a hearing, he was flown to Egypt.  His status and whereabouts are unknown.  The plane's tail number was not noted, but the CIA is believed to have only one of the expensive jets.
Over the past year, the Gulfstream V's flights have been tracked by plane spotters standing at the end of runways with high-powered binoculars and cameras to record the flights of military and private aircraft.
These hobbyists list their findings on specialized Web pages.  According to them, since October 2001 the plane has landed in Islamabad; Karachi; Riyadh, Saudi Arabia; Dubai; Tashkent, Uzbekistan; Baghdad; Kuwait City; Baku, Azerbaijan; and Rabat, Morocco.  It has stopped frequently at Dulles International Airport, at Jordan's military airport in Amman and at airports in Frankfurt, Germany; Glasglow, Scotland, and Larnaca, Cyprus.
Premier Executive Transport Services was incorporated in Delaware by the Prentice-Hall Corporation System Inc. on Jan. 10, 1994.  On Jan. 23, 1996, Dean Plakias, a lawyer with Hill & Plakias in Dedham, filed incorporation papers with the Commonwealth of Massachusetts listing the company's president as Bryan P. Dyess.
According to public documents, Premier Executive ordered a new Gulfstream V in 1998.  It was delivered in November 1999 with tail number N581GA, and reregistered for unknown reasons on March 2000 with a new tail number, N379P.  It began flights in June 2000, and changed the tail number again in December 2003.
Plakias did not return several telephone messages seeking comment.  He told the Boston Globe recently that he simply filed the required paperwork.  "I'm not at liberty to discuss the affairs of the client business, mainly for reasons I don't know," he told the Globe.  Asked whether the company exists, Plakias responded: "Millions of companies are set up in Massachusetts that are just paper companies."
A lawyer in Washington, whose name is listed on a 1996 IRS form on record at the Secretary of the Commonwealth's office in Massachusetts — and whose name is whited out on some copies of the forms — hung up the phone last week when asked about the company.
Three weeks ago, on Dec. 1, the plane, complete with a new tail number, was transferred to a new owner, Bayard Foreign Marketing of Portland, Ore., according to FAA records.  Its registered agent in Portland, Scott Caplan, did not return phone calls.
Like the officers at Premier Executive, Bayard's sole listed corporate officer, Leonard T. Bayard, has no residential or telephone history.  Unlike Premier's officers, Bayard's name does not appear in any other public records.
Researchers Margot Williams and Julie Tate contributed to this report.  Williams has since left The Washington Post.
© 2004 The Washington Post Company

If torture is good,
and black is white
then day is night
and wrong is right
Are these the truths
for which you fight?
If not, then
pass it on.

If you've ever wondered why the world is so mad, you need only look at THE LAW.
This video does not show torture.
It shows a Bush press conference segment,
and after,
the implications that lead from it.
Bush insists the problem lies not with TORTURE, but with the LAWS interpreting it.
He wants to justify a crime against humanity by making it LEGAL.
If torture is good,
and black is white
then day is night
and wrong is right
Are these the truths
for which you fight?
If not, then
pass it on.

 
Published on Monday, September 25, 2006 by the New York Times
Torture Victim Had No Terror Link, Canada Told US
by Scott Shane

WASHINGTON — When the United States sent Maher Arar to Syria, where he was tortured for months, the deportation order stated unequivocally that Mr. Arar, a Canadian software engineer, was a member of Al Qaeda.
But a few days earlier, Canadian investigators had told the F.B.I. that they had not been able to link him to the terrorist group.
Maher Arar arrives for a news conference in Ottawa September 18, 2006.

Photo: REUTERS/Dave Chan
Maher Arar arrives for a news conference in Ottawa September 18, 2006.
That is one of the disclosures in the 1,200-page report released last week after a two-year Canadian investigation of Mr. Arar’s case found him to be innocent of any terrorist ties.
The report urges the Canadian government to formally protest the American treatment of Mr. Arar, a recommendation Canadian officials are considering.
Mr. Arar, 37, who now lives in British Columbia, has a lawsuit against United States officials and agencies that is on appeal, and he has demanded an explanation for his treatment from the Bush administration.
Rare window on American actions in the case
A close reading of the Arar Commission report offers a rare window on American actions in the case, describing seemingly flimsy evidence behind the American decision in 2002 to send Mr. Arar to a country notorious for torture; a deliberate attempt by American officials to deceive Canada about where Mr. Arar was; and lingering confusion among top American officials about the two countries’ roles in the case.
President Bush earlier this month acknowledged for the first time that high-level people suspected of being terrorists had been held in secret prisons overseas by the Central Intelligence Agency.
But he and other officials have said nothing publicly about the American practice of rendition, in which dozens of suspects have been seized and turned over for interrogation to other countries, including several known to engage routinely in torture.
Justice Dennis O'Connor, Head of the Arar Commission, holds a copy of the report he wrote on Monday Sept. 18, 2006 in Ottawa.

When the United States sent Maher Arar to Syria, where he was tortured for months, the deportation order stated unequivocally that Mr. Arar, a Canadian software engineer, was a member of Al Qaeda.

But a few days earlier, Canadian investigators had told the F.B.I. that they had not been able to link him to the terrorist group.

But Mr. Arar’s case is more public than other cases of rendition, because he was detained inside the United States and legally deported, creating a modest paper trail.

The three-volume report describes Canadian contacts with American officials in meticulous detail, offering by far the fullest account of any rendition case to date.

Photo: CP, Fred Chartrand
Justice Dennis O'Connor, Head of the Arar Commission, holds a copy of the report he wrote on Monday Sept. 18, 2006 in Ottawa.
Cases like that of Mr. Arar would not be affected by the compromise legislation on detainee treatment worked out between the White House and Republican senators last week, since it would have no effect on interrogation methods used by other countries.
In fact, the proposed bill would strip non-Americans held overseas under United States control of the right to challenge their detention in federal court.
US government can still send people secretly to other countries where they’ll be tortured
“It’s a huge hole in what Congress is doing,” said Michael Ratner, president of the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York, which represents Mr. Arar in his lawsuit.   “The government can still send people secretly to other countries where they’ll be tortured.”

Mr. Arar spent 10 months in the custody of Syrian interrogators who beat him repeatedly with a heavy metal cable and held him in a dank cell scarcely larger than a coffin, according to the commission report.
In October 2003, he was released and returned to his wife and children in Canada.

For nearly four years, the United States government has refused to make public any information on the case of Mr. Arar, which has become an international symbol of American excesses in the campaign against terrorism.
The Bush administration refused to cooperate with the Canadian commission, so many questions about American actions and motives remain unanswered.
But Mr. Arar’s case is more public than other cases of rendition, because he was detained inside the United States and legally deported, creating a modest paper trail.   The three-volume report describes Canadian contacts with American officials in meticulous detail, offering by far the fullest account of any rendition case to date.
The commission’s report says inexperienced Canadian police officials originally passed inaccurate information to the United States linking Mr. Arar to terrorism, based largely on his acquaintance with other men under suspicion.
But in the days after Sept. 26, 2002, when Mr. Arar was detained while changing planes at Kennedy International Airport in New York City, a flurry of calls and faxes between the countries included more equivocal information.
All or virtually all US knowledge of any threat posed by Mr. Arar came from the Canadians
An Oct. 4 fax to the F.B.I. from Canadian counterterrorism officials said that they “had yet to complete either a detailed investigation of Mr. Arar or a link analysis on him,” and that “while he has had contact with many individuals of interest to this project we are unable to indicate links to Al Qaeda.”
That was particularly significant because the commission concludes that all, or virtually all, of the United States’ knowledge of any threat posed by Mr. Arar came from the Canadians.
The next day, on Saturday, Oct. 5, a Royal Canadian Mounted Police official spoke by phone with an unidentified F.B.I. official.   “During this conversation, the FBI official said that the Americans feared they did not have sufficient information to support charges against Mr. Arar,” the report says.
The Canadian officer said that likewise, “There was insufficient evidence to charge Mr. Arar in Canada.”
Canadian officials told the Americans that if they allowed Mr. Arar to travel home to Canada, he would be kept under surveillance.   But by then the Americans were already secretly working on the Syrian option, a legal possibility because Mr. Arar retained his citizenship in Syria, where he was born.
Royal Canadian Mounted Police keep watch from the roof of the Government Conference Center in Ottawa, Quebec.

Ottawa has asked the United States to remove Canadian Maher Arar, who was mistakenly labeled an 'Islamic extremist' from its terrorist watch list, Canadian Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day said, September 21, 2006.

When the United States sent Maher Arar to Syria, where he was tortured for months, the deportation order stated unequivocally that Mr. Arar, a Canadian software engineer, was a member of Al Qaeda.

But a few days earlier, Canadian investigators had told the F.B.I. that they had not been able to link him to the terrorist group.

But Mr. Arar’s case is more public than other cases of rendition, because he was detained inside the United States and legally deported, creating a modest paper trail.

The three-volume report describes Canadian contacts with American officials in meticulous detail, offering by far the fullest account of any rendition case to date.

Photo: CP, Fred Chartrand
Royal Canadian Mounted Police keep watch from the roof of the Government Conference Center in Ottawa, Quebec.
Ottawa has asked the United States to remove Canadian Maher Arar, who was mistakenly labeled an 'Islamic extremist' from its terrorist watch list, Canadian Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day said, September 21, 2006.
“The American authorities appear to have intentionally kept Canadian officials in the dark about their plans to remove Mr. Arar to Syria,” the report says.
Despite the uncertain report from Canada on Mr. Arar and terrorism, on Oct. 7, an Immigration and Naturalization Service official ruled that evidence “clearly and unequivocally reflects that Mr. Arar is a member of a foreign terrorist organization, to wit, Al Qaeda.”   At 4 a.m. the next day, Mr. Arar was bundled aboard a Gulfstream jet that flew him to Jordan, from which he was driven to a prison in neighboring Syria.
Paul J. J. Cavalluzzo, lead counsel to the Arar Commission, said he found the American actions inconsistent.   “On Saturday,” Mr. Cavalluzzo said, “you have the F.B.I. saying, ‘We don’t have enough to charge him.’   On Monday, he’s a member of Al Qaeda.   Well, if he’s a member of Al Qaeda, in your country he can be charged.”
Even after Mr. Arar arrived in Syria, American officials did not tell their Canadian counterparts.   Only two weeks later, on Oct. 21, did Canada get confirmation, when a Syrian military intelligence officer phoned the Canadian ambassador in Damascus to say he was in custody.
Mr. Arar spent 10 months in the custody of Syrian interrogators who beat him repeatedly with a heavy metal cable and held him in a dank cell scarcely larger than a coffin, according to the commission report.   In October 2003, he was released and returned to his wife and children in Canada.
But some top American officials appear to have been misinformed about the deportation decision.   After Jean Chrétien, then Canadian prime minister, said publicly that the United States had decided unilaterally to send Mr. Arar to Syria, the Canadian ambassador was summoned to the National Security Council and scolded by Frances Townsend, the deputy national security adviser, who said it had been a “joint decision,” the report says.
Colin L. Powell, then the secretary of state, had also suggested publicly that the Canadians were complicit in the Syria deportation.   But on Dec. 1, 2003, Mr. Powell called Bill Graham, the Canadian foreign minister, to say the United States had not consulted Canada about the decision.
“I was mistaken,” Mr. Powell told Mr. Graham, the report says.
The Canadian judge who led the inquiry, Dennis R. O’Connor, urged a formal protest over the American conduct.   Peter MacKay, the Canadian foreign affairs minister, said Thursday it was too early to decide on a protest but added that there was an “urgent need” for talks on the issues raised by the case.
A State Department spokeswoman, Janelle Hironimus, said Friday that she knew of no plans for such talks.   She said the Bush administration had declined to cooperate with the Arar Commission because its “mandate was to investigate and report on the actions of Canadian officials, and Canadian authorities were therefore the most appropriate entities to respond.”
A spokeswoman for the Department of Justice, Tasia Scolinos, said that she could not respond in detail to the commission’s findings but that the United States government “removed Mr. Arar in full compliance with the law and all applicable international treaties and conventions.”   She also said the government “sought assurances with respect to Mr. Arar’s treatment” in Syria.
Mr. Cavalluzzo, the commission counsel, noted that the report held Canadian officials accountable for many lapses.   But in an interview on Friday from Toronto, he said he remained “troubled” by American actions, chiefly the decision to turn Mr. Arar over to a government whose promises not to torture him had no credibility.
“Even at this time, when terrorism is a real danger,” he said, “this case points out how important it is to preserve the democratic rights we have cherished for centuries.”
Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company
Common Dreams © 1997-2006

Friday, November 7th, 2003
Canadian Man Deported by U.S. Details Torture in Syria

Listen to Segment || Download show in audio mp3
Watch 128k stream          Watch 256k stream

Canadian citizen Maher Arar said he was repeatedly beaten and tortured and kept in a cell three feet wide after the U.S. secretly deported him to Syria.   Anonymous officials told the Washington Post that the U.S. knowingly sends suspects abroad to be tortured.   We go to Canada to speak with Maher Arar.
In Syria, Arar said he was repeatedly beaten and tortured, kept in a cell three feet wide and forced to sign false confessions.   During a press conference on Tuesday he said, "I was willing to confess to anything to stop the torture."   He added, "I am not a terrorist.   I am not a member of al Qaeda.   I have never been to Afghanistan."
The U.S. says Arar’s name appeared on lists of suspected terrorists.   But why was he sent to Syria instead of Canada where is a citizen and he has lived for the past 15 years?
On Wednesday, officials told the Washington Post anonymously that the U.S. knowingly sends suspects abroad to be tortured.   One official said "The temptation is to have these folks in other hands because they have different standards," while another said, "Someone might be able to get information we can't from detainees."
The Post also reported that a high-ranking Syrian diplomat said that Syria agreed to imprison Arar in a gesture of goodwill toward the United States.   Imad Moustafa, chargé d'affaires at the Syrian Embassy in Washington said U.S. officials told the Syrians they had "solid information" about Arar's links to al Qaeda but never produced any.
Moustafa also said Syrian officials freed Arar a month ago because the Bush administration cut communications with the government in Damascus and because they wanted to maintain good ties with the Canadian government.
AMY GOODMAN:    Well, why don't you start off by describing in your own words what happened a year ago.   Where were you coming from that you ended up in a New York airport?
MAHER ARAR:    I was vacationing with my family and I just decided to go back to Ottawa to prepare for work, basically.   I used my air miles, American Airlines air miles to buy the ticket and the only possible route at that time was to go through New York.   I arrived in New York on time and I was pulled aside by immigration officials and Two police guys came and they searched my bag.   They told me it’s only a routine thing and took my fingerprints, my photos and all of a sudden officials came and started interrogating me.
AMY GOODMAN:    And what were they asking you?
MAHER ARAR:    Most of the questions they asked, were you related to my frequent trips to the United States, which companies I visited, how much money I made, if I had any family members who live in the states, and about my relationships with other people.   The second day of interrogations, they asked me a lot about my political views about Iraq, about Palestine, about Bin Laden and some other issues, too.
AMY GOODMAN:    And then what happened?
MAHER ARAR:    And, of course, I was very surprised.   They always told me they’ll let me go and I was cooperating.   But when I thought things were getting serious, I asked for a lawyer.   And they told me, sorry, you are not an American citizen and you're not entitled to any lawyer.   And I said let me make a phone call to they let my family know that I being questioned and they would not let me and I asked repeatedly.   So I was taken to a different building.   I was implicated for another exhaustive day.   They basically just arrested me.   They shackled me, chained me, and took me to an embassy in Brooklyn.
AMY GOODMAN:    And then what happened?
MAHER ARAR:    At the embassy, I stayed there for 13 days and then I stayed there for 13 days in military confinement and again, I asked for a lawyer and I asked to make a phone call, but they just ignored my requests.   And five days later, they actually allowed me a phone call.   I called my mother-in-law in Ottawa and I told her about what happened and she said she was going to find a lawyer for me.   Of course, up until this point, what I was told by them is that my problem was mostly immigration problem and so the lawyer who came to see me later was an immigration lawyer.   But at the embassy, they hand over this document to me saying that basically that I'm a member of Al Qaeda, a terrorist organization, and basically they can't allow me in the states, even though I was only going through on transit.
AMY GOODMAN:    And, again, M.D.C. is the metropolitan detention center in New York city?
MAHER ARAR:    Yes.
AMY GOODMAN:    You were then deported to Syria?
MAHER ARAR:    What happened at the airport first, and after the second interrogation, one of the immigration people there, he came to see me and he told me this.   He said we want you to go back to Syria voluntarily.   I said no way! I said why don't you lets me go to Canada? He said to me you are special interest.   That's when they took me to M.D.C., basically.   They kind of forced me to apply for a visa and they took me to prison.   In prison, I spent 13 days.   Just two days -- Four days before they deported me, they brought me a document saying that saying that the INS director had decided to deport me and I had a right designate a country to where I would be deported.   I wrote ‘Canada’ and the second question was if I had any concerns that I'd like sent back to Canada and I chose ‘no’ and signed the document.   On a Sunday, two days before I was deported, they held a six-hour exhaustive meeting and they asked me questions regarding why I did not want to go back to Syria.   So, I explained to them very clearly that if they send me back to Syria, I will be tortured.   They accused me of being a member of a terrorist organization and I told them repeatedly that I am not a member of this group and they were just not believing me and I said if you send me back to Syria, the Syrians will try to extract information and the only way to do that is just to torture me.
AMY GOODMAN:    Can you explain, by the way, we are talking to Mara ERRAR, a Canadian citizen, who was in transit through the United States after family holiday.   New York authorities at the New York airport where he was heading through to Canada took him and then deported him to Syria.   Can you explain why you though you would be tortured in Syria?
MAHER ARAR:    Basically, the Americans accused me of being a member of terrorist organization, which was not true and I knew from my parents that Syrians used torture with the prisoners.   It's very common place in Syria and so I just raised this concern.   I said, listen, when I arrive there and the Syrians will ask me questions, if I am going to tell them the truth, but most likely they'll not believe me. - You know, I am being sent by a country, by a respected country like the United States to another country, which uses torture and they were going to say to me, well, we don't believe you.   If you are innocent, why did the United States send you here? So, it was a very natural reaction from me.
AMY GOODMAN:    How long did you live in Syria? You were born there.
MAHER ARAR:    I left Syria when I was 17 years old.   So, I never came back there, except, of course, when I was deported against my will.   I was 17 years old when I left the country.
AMY GOODMAN:    And why did you leave?
MAHER ARAR:    Why I left the country?
AMY GOODMAN:    Yes.
MAHER ARAR:    Well, basically in the early 1980's, most of my brothers migrated to Canada and my parents and I stayed behind and in 1987, my brother sponsored us.   Life here was better and my brothers got the jobs at that time and so they sent us letters and said why don't you come live with us here? They wanted to take care of my parents.   That was the reason.   My family and I, we did not have any political or religious associations and we still don't have any.
AMY GOODMAN:    Can you then describe when you returned exactly what happened to you, Maher Arar, when you arrived in Syria?
MAHER ARAR:    When I arrived in Syria, of course they took me on a private jet to Jordan where I spent an hour.   Then I was sent to Syria.   I arrived over there.   There were three people waiting for me.   They just started questioning me.   The first day, it was only routine questions about my family, why I left the country, why did I go back for a visit, the names of my brothers, their wives, and whether there were religious people or not.   I mean, really when I arrived there, I just couldn't believe it.   I fell at first it was a dream.   I was crying all time.   I was disoriented.   I wished I had something in my hand to kill myself because I knew I was going to be tortured and this was my preoccupation.   That's all I thinking about when I was on the plane.   I arrived there.   I was crying all time.
One of them started questioning me and the others were taking notes.   The first day it was mainly routine questions between eight and twelve us and the second day is when the beatings started.   The first day they did not find anything strange about what I told them and they started to beat me with a cable and they would beat me for three, four times.   They would stop again and they would ask questions again and they always kept telling me, you are a liar and things like that.   So, the beating continued for the first two weeks.
The most intensive beating was really the first week and then after that, it was mostly slapping on the face and hitting.   So, on the third day when they didn't find anything, third or fourth day either, In my view, they just wanted to please the Americans and they had to find something on me because I was accused of being an Al Qaeda member, which is nowadays synonymous with Afghanistan.   They told me you've been to a training camp in Afghanistan.   I said no.   And they started beating me.   And I said, well, I had no choice.   I just wanted the beating to stop.   I said, of course, I've been to Afghanistan.   I was ready to confess to anything just to stop the torture.
AMY GOODMAN:    We have to break for 60 seconds.  - We'll come back with you then.
So, you described your first days in the prison.   You then said that you told them, after they asked you whether You'd been to Afghanistan to stop the torture, you said yes, and then what happened?
MAHER ARAR:    After I told them this, the beatings started to become less and less severe and the interrogation actually ended after two weeks and the worst of all of this is the cell that they put me in.   It was an underground cell.   It was dark there.   There was no light in there.   It was three feet wide, six feet deep and seven feet high with an opening in the ceiling and that's where a little bit of light came in.   There was no heating in the winter.   There was only two blankets on the floor, the hard floor.   It's a disgusting place to be.   There were rats.   Cats above the cell and the cats peed from time to time in that opening.   There was no hot water, especially no toilets.   So basically just to describe it in two words, it was a torture chamber.   And I stayed in that place for 10 months and 10 days before I was transferred to a better place.
AMY GOODMAN:    Were you able to have any contact with your family?
MAHER ARAR:    When I was in Syria, I received visits from the Canadian consulate and he brought me a letter from my wife and I also dictated him some letters and that's how I kept contact with my family.   But, again, those visits were in the presence of Syrian officials and my wife and I could not exchange, any information.   So, it has to be limited to thing like "how are you doing?" and things like that.
AMY GOODMAN:    I'm looking at the Washington Post piece on your case.   It says “officials speaking on condition of anonymity said the Maher Arar case fits the profile of a covert C.I.A. extraordinary rendition”, quote-unquote.   The practice of turning over low-level suspected terrorists to foreign intelligence services, some of which are known to torture prisoners.   I'm wondering your response to that.   And also what Canada told you as the Canadian consulate was visiting you.
MAHER ARAR:    The Canadian consulate did not tell me anything.   Basically everything was controlled by Syrian officials and I just still can't believe what Happened to me.   A country like the United States, which is supposed to be a country that praises democracy and respect human rights, to do this kind of thing to me.
AMY GOODMAN:    How did you finally get out?
MAHER ARAR:    Get out of prison?
AMY GOODMAN:    Yes.
MAHER ARAR:    Basically, there was so much pressure here, especially my wife.   She started a very aggressive campaign with human rights groups, civil rights groups, and she put a lot of pressure on the Canadian governments.   At the beginning, the Canadian government did not have a consistent position for some reason.   But at tend, the foreign affairs minister here for Canada, Mr. Graham, he relayed that and the Syrians did not charge me and they still kept me there.   He actually put pressure on the Syrian foreign affairs minister when he met him in New York and he told him either charge this guy or release him and let him go back home and that is when things started moving in the right direction.   And I was finally released with no charge.
AMY GOODMAN:    You returned to Canada, as we wrap up this discussion, how are you physically and what are your plans now?
MAHER ARAR:    I've been suffering from post traumatic stress.   I've had many nightmares where I see people come and beat me and they want to take me back to Syria.   I have sometimes pain in parts of my body and I'm still suffering actually from my hips.   It is a very consistent pain I'm going through medical examinations now.   I've had done many x-rays and I have not received the results yet.   So, I'm seeing psychiatrist.   I think the healing processes is going to be long and, frankly, my life and future have been destroyed even though I'm working right now to clear my name.   But it is just the accusation to label someone as a terrorist, it's not going to be easy to make people believe that I was not a terrorist.   I'm just very worried if I'm going to be able to get back to my normal life.   One thing for sure, I don't think I'll go back to the same career because I relied on so many important things that basically there's so much injustice out there in the world.   And I don't know, I'll probably become a human rights activist.
AMY GOODMAN:    Well Maher Arar, thank you for being with us.   Welcome home to Canada.   A Canadian citizen, traveling through the United States, just in transit, back to Canada after a family vacation, pulled off out of the airport in New York and secretly deported to Syria where he was held for more than a year and tortured.
Jan-11-2006
TERRORISM: SWISS EDITOR PROBED FOR 'SECRET CIA JAILS' REPORT

Berne, 10 Jan. (AKI) — Military prosecutors in Switzerland have opened an investigation into a newspaper editor and two journalists for having published news of a secret fax which appears to confirm allegations of CIA 'secret prisons' in Europe.
The weekly SonntagsBlick reported that Swiss military intelligence last November intercepted a fax from the Egyptian foreign ministry to its embassy in London.
The fax stated that 23 Iraqis and Afghans had been interrogated at a Romanian military base.
The Romanian prime minister Calin Popescu Tariceanu has categorically denied the allegations.
SonntagsBlick editor Christoph Grenacher and two journalists are under investigation for having disclosed classified military secrets.
The fax, which was referred to in a classified military document, added that similar detention centres had also been set up in Ukraine, Kosovo, Macedonia and Bulgaria.
The news report said the Egyptian foreign minister's fax was picked up by the Swiss secret service Onyx's satellite listening system on 10 November.
This was just three days after the European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe, launched an investigation into a report by the Washington Post newspaper that secret US detention facilities existed in eight countries worldwide, including several former Soviet bloc nations.
Leading rights group, Human Rights Watch, subsequently identified Romania and Poland as possible hosts for the alleged secret CIA jails.
EU justice commissioner, Franco Frattini in December warned EU member states and candidate countries such as Romania and Bulgaria they could face sanctions if the allegations prove to be true.
(Fmk/Aki)

Jan-10-06
 
Published on Sunday, March 20, 2005 by the Knight-Ridder Tribune Newspapers
Jet's Travels Cloaked in Mystery
by John Crewdson and Tom Hundley
(KRT) — Last June, the Boston Red Sox chartered an executive jet to help their manager make a quick visit home in the midst of the team's championship season.
But what was the very same Gulfstream — owned by one of the Red Sox's partners, but presumably without the team's logo on its fuselage — doing in Cairo on Feb. 18, 2003?
Schenectady, N.Y., Aug. 23, 2003
Perhaps by coincidence, Feb. 18, 2003, was the day an Islamic preacher known as Abu Omar, who had been abducted in Italy the previous day and forced aboard a small plane, also arrived at the Cairo airport.
Omar, whose given name is Osama Nasr Mostafa Hassan, was imprisoned by the Egyptians and, he claims, brutally tortured. The public prosecutor in Milan, Armando Spataro, who is investigating Omar's apparent kidnapping, expects to file charges within a few days, according to an Italian official who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Spataro made headlines last month when, attempting to identify the plane that transported Omar from Italy to Egypt, he served a warrant on the Italian commander of the air base at Aviano, Italy, which is home to the U.S. Air Force's 31st Fighter Wing.
Spataro declines to say whether the Gulfstream that landed in Cairo, which bore the tail number N85VM, departed from Aviano around the time of Omar's disappearance.
But Federal Aviation Administration records obtained by the Chicago Tribune show that Gulfstream N85VM has been many places around the world that the Red Sox have almost certainly never gone.
Between June 2002 and January of this year, the Gulfstream made 51 visits to Guantanamo, Cuba, site of the U.S. naval base where more than 500 terrorism suspects are behind bars.
During the same period, the plane recorded 82 visits to Washington's Dulles International Airport as well as landings at Andrews Air Force Base outside the capital and the U.S. air bases at Ramstein and Rhein-Main in Germany.
The plane's flight log also shows visits to Afghanistan, Morocco, Dubai, Jordan, Italy, Japan, Switzerland, Azerbaijan and the Czech Republic.
Egypt, Afghanistan, Jordan and Morocco are among the countries to which the United States is known to have "rendered" terrorism suspects. Under the increasingly controversial practice of "rendition," terrorism suspects arrested abroad have been forcibly returned to their native countries for interrogation, sometimes with methods that are precluded by U.S. law.
The New York Times reported last month that, days after Sept. 11, 2001, President Bush authorized the CIA to transfer suspects to third countries without obtaining separate presidential approval in each instance.
Reacting to media disclosures of some renditions in which the suspects later were found to have no terrorist connections, the House of Representatives last week voted 420-2 to prohibit the use of federal money for sending detainees to countries that practice torture.
Whether or not Gulfstream N85VM was involved in the rendition of Abu Omar or others, its itinerary has bordered at times on schizophrenic.
Less than two weeks after returning from Frankfurt, Germany, the plane was pressed into service after a Friday night game to fly Red Sox manager Terry Francona home to Yardley, Pa., in time for his son's graduation, according to the Worcester Sunday Telegram.
A week later the Gulfstream was back in Washington, D.C., headed for Shannon, Ireland.
In addition to its FAA flight history, the Gulfstream has been tracked, and sometimes photographed, by the worldwide cadre of aviation aficionados who call themselves "planespotters" — not because of its possible connection with the U.S. government, but because planespotters pride themselves on keeping meticulous records of every aircraft that comes and goes at their chosen airports.
The Red Sox logo was visible, for example, in photos taken at an air show in Schenectady, N.Y., on Aug. 23, 2003, eight days after the Gulfstream returned to Washington from an around-the-world flight that included Anchorage; Osaka, Japan; Dubai; and Shannon.
The logo was not visible when the Gulfstream was photographed during a fuel stop in Shannon on June 12, 2004. But when the plane turned up at Denver's Centennial Airport in February of this year, a photo showed it was sporting not only the Sox logo but a new registration number, N227SV.
Mahlon Richards, a co-owner of Richmor Aviation in Hudson, N.Y., and the Gulfstream's charter agent, confirmed that N85VM and N227SV, which share the same manufacturer's serial number, 1172, were in fact the same aircraft.
According to FAA records, the Gulfstream's owner is not Richmor but Assembly Point Aviation, a company with an address in Albany, N.Y., but no telephone number. Dun & Bradstreet describes Assembly Point as a "religious organization" that is somehow involved with "churches, temples and shrines."
Assembly Point's sole officer and director is Phillip H. Morse of Jupiter, Fla., who reportedly made millions from the sale of the catheter-manufacturing company he founded in Glens Falls, N.Y.
Morse is a part-owner of the Red Sox, and Richards said Morse "likes to advertise the team" — hence the Red Sox logo that the jet sometimes sports.
Richmor provides charter customers and supplies pilots, maintenance and provisioning, "like with any other managed aircraft," Richards said.
The Gulfstream, which is based in Schenectady, N.Y., rents for $5,365 an hour, which works out to $128,760 for a 24-hour day or a little more than $900,000 a week. Photos of the plane's interior on Richmor's Web site show plush leather chairs and polished wood paneling.
Assuming the Gulfstream has been flying to Guantanamo on government business — a relatively safe assumption, because Guantanamo is a military reservation closed to tourists and sightseers — at standard rates those trips alone would have cost taxpayers about $13.7 million, enough to buy a less grand executive jet.
Richards said he did not know why the plane had made more than 50 trips to Guantanamo, had been in Cairo on Feb. 18, 2003, or had visited any of its other exotic locales.
"I don't ask my customers why they go anywhere, whether it's West Palm Beach or the moon," he said.
Asked who had chartered the Gulfstream for the February 2003 flight to Cairo, Richards replied, "I'll have to check with some people and call you back."
He called back several hours later to report that "my customer" did not want to be identified. Messages left at the Red Sox corporate offices in Boston and Morse's Florida home were not returned.
Although the CIA has consistently declined to discuss any specifics of its rendition program, CIA Director Porter Goss told Congress last week that, since Sept. 11, renditions had been carried out with "more safeguards and more oversight" than before.
Whatever mission it was on, Gulfstream N85VM left Dulles International Airport on the morning of Feb. 4, 2003, bound for Germany's Ramstein Air Force Base, FAA logs show. Once it had landed at Ramstein, the plane was not required to file further flight plans with the FAA until it was ready to return home.
Nicoletta Tomiselli, a spokeswoman for ENAV, the Italian equivalent of the FAA, said her agency was unable to release information about arrivals and departures at Aviano because it is a military air base.
Nor does the FAA have access to such information, except for scheduled commercial flights from Aviano that terminate in the United States.
FAA records do show, however, that at 4:19 a.m. local time on Feb. 18, 2003, the Gulfstream was on the ground at HECA, the designation for Cairo International Airport, with a flight plan for a return to Dulles with a fuel stop in Shannon.
According to its manufacturer, the Gulfstream model 4 can carry up to 10 people at a top speed of 550 m.p.h. and fly nearly 5,000 miles without refueling, roughly the distance from Chicago to Moscow, depending on the number of passengers aboard.
Although Omar's suspected kidnappers could be charged with the evidence already in Milan prosecutor Spataro's hands, identifying the aircraft used to fly Omar from Aviano to Cairo could broaden the investigation to include officials who authorized his rendition.
Any indictment of U.S. intelligence personnel would likely strain Washington's relationship with Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, one of President Bush's strongest supporters in Europe.
But the traditional independence of Italian prosecutors guarantees that "even the minister of justice cannot tell us who to prosecute and who not to prosecute," Spataro said in a recent interview.
Before he resigned last June, former CIA Director George Tenet testified that the CIA had orchestrated more than 70 renditions during his seven-year tenure. There reportedly have been another 30 or so since then.
What makes the Abu Omar case different is the fact that Omar was not first arrested by Italian police before being handed over to whoever rendered him to Egypt, something that arguably would have shielded those involved from criminal charges.
According to a Muslim woman who said she saw it happen, Omar was snatched off the sidewalk by several men and hustled into a parked van, which drove off accompanied by another car.
Precisely what happened to Omar after that is not known, except that a source familiar with Spataro's investigation says he was driven 175 miles from Milan to the Aviano air base.
The only eyewitness account of how rendition targets are prepared for their journey comes from a veteran Swedish police inspector, Paul Forell, who was present when such a team arrived at Stockholm's Bromma airport on the night of Dec. 18, 2001.
Forell told Sweden's Channel 4 last year that those arriving at the airport included eight Americans wearing hoods and two others in business suits who introduced themselves only by their first names and said they were from the U.S. Embassy in Stockholm.
"They were very professional in their way of acting. They acted very deftly, swiftly and silently," Forell said, adding that he had the impression the team had carried out many previous renditions.
The two Egyptian-born suspects, Ahmed Agiza and Muhammed al-Zery, who had been arrested earlier in the evening by Swedish security police, were handcuffed and their clothes cut from their bodies.
Suppositories apparently intended as a sedative were inserted into their anuses and diapers were put on both men, followed by dark overalls, blindfolds and hoods that completely covered their heads.
The prisoners were put aboard an unmarked Gulfstream that had flown to Stockholm from Washington's Dulles airport.
The Stockholm Gulfstream, a later model 5 that bore the tail number N379P, also has been spotted in Karachi and Gambia during other renditions.
After the plane landed in Cairo at 2:35 a.m. the next day, al-Zery and Agiza were taken to Masra Tora prison. According to Swedish government documents made public by Channel 4, when the two men were visited by the Swedish ambassador five weeks later they told him they were being tortured.
Neither man was found to have any al-Qaida connection, and al-Zery was released without charges. Agiza, who previously had been convicted in absentia of membership in an Egyptian Islamic radical organization, was sentenced to 25 years in prison.
Prosecutor Spataro has reason to believe the story told by Omar last year in two telephone conversations with his wife.
According to two judicial orders authorizing continuation of the taps on Omar's home telephone, a translation of which was obtained by the Chicago Tribune, Omar explained to his astonished wife, Nabila, that he had not run away but had been kidnapped on the street in Milan 14 months earlier.
In their first conversation, on April 20, 2004, Omar said he had convinced the Egyptians he was not dangerous and had been set free, with the condition that he not leave the Egyptian city of Alexandria.
On May 10, judicial records show, Omar called his wife again. Recounting his ordeal, Omar said he had been questioned at an air base in Italy and then drugged and flown to Egypt, where he was imprisoned and tortured with electric shocks.
"These circumstances," the judge concluded, "if confirmed, would represent a very severe violation of Italian sovereignty."
The U.S. State Department has criticized Egypt for "numerous, serious human-rights abuses" during interrogations, including cases of torture that resulted in death.
Italian investigators discount the possibility that Omar made up his story for the benefit of the police, because during one conversation he directed his wife to destroy his computer before the police discovered it — a statement he likely would not have made had he known he was being overheard.
The second call from Omar was the last. Two days later, he was re-arrested by the Egyptians. Italian authorities assume he still is alive and in an Egyptian prison, although they don't know for sure.
Spataro says the Italian government has made a formal request to Egypt to return Omar to Italy but has not received a reply. An Egyptian Embassy spokesman in Washington did not respond to questions about whether Omar had been charged with a crime in Egypt, whether his complaints of torture were true or whether he would be returned to Italy.
© Copyright 2005 Knight Ridder/Tribune Information Services
Common Dreams © 1997-2005
AMY GOODMAN:    We're joined by Stephen Grey, who is a journalist with the Sunday Times, who exposed the story this week, how the U.S. is operating these secret flights. Can you tell us further about these flights, who the people are, and how you found out about them?
STEPHEN GREY:    Well, first of all, it has remained something of a mystery, the whole story.
Obviously, bit by bit, the whole — this kind of secret world is unraveling.
And we are getting more and more information about the individual cases, where these planes are being used.
What it exposes is the tentacles of a wider system whereby prisoners are being taken in the war on terror, not only to Guantanamo, but to many other place and those places include the prisons of so-called allies of the U.S. and Britain, around the world.
Those countries which are allies of the U.S. include countries where torture is routine.
Obviously, the concerns that many people have are that these kind of transfers basically allow the U.S. to pass prisoners into the hands of the secret police of other countries to do the kind of interrogation, torture in fact, of prisoners that the U.S. is not allowed to do itself.
Kind of torture by proxy.
AMY GOODMAN:    The company, can you talk about that?
STEPHEN GREY:    Yeah. I mean, I think the company is not that important in a sense.
These are private planes. They're being leased. They're not marked.
That's the point about them. They can appear anywhere, and you have, you know, innocent-looking, if you like, executive jets parked on the runways of airports around the world.
No one is to know they're actually planes run by the U.S. military and intelligence services.
So, they have a perfect cover, if you like.
But it's — what's happening is that — I mean, they're hired from a company that operates in Massachusetts, and others.
But you know, they're probably just a normal, private company. What they're doing is leasing it out. They only work for the government.
As I say, the plane is not just used for carrying prisoners. It's also used for transferring of interrogators and also regular V.I.P. and defense and intelligence officials from Washington.
But what we have found is at least four cases which have emerged where this plane has been seen actually picking up prisoners, and in the first case which we discovered, the prisoner was — the two prisoners were taken from Sweden to Egypt, and at the time — this has happened just after September 11, and it's been going on since, but in this case, just after September 11, two prisoners were taken on board.
The Swedish government never mentioned the U.S. at the time.
They said they were just sending — extraditing two prisoners.
What actually happened was that the U.S. was there with the secret plane.
They stripped these men of their clothes, handcuffed them, put them in diapers, gave them sedatives against their will, put them on the plane, and took them to Egypt.
And since then, we have discovered these planes — these prisoners complained of being very seriously tortured with electric shocks all over their bodies as a result of being taken to Egypt.
That's the consequence of this kind of process which we know is rendition.
      DemocracyNow.org      November 17th, 2004      
CIA Holds Terror Suspects in Secret Prisons
Debate Is Growing Within Agency About Legality and Morality of Overseas System Set Up After 9/11
By Dana Priest
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, November 2, 2005; Page A01
The CIA has been hiding and interrogating some of its most important al Qaeda captives at a Soviet-era compound in Eastern Europe, according to U.S. and foreign officials familiar with the arrangement.
The secret facility is part of a covert prison system set up by the CIA nearly four years ago that at various times has included sites in eight countries, including Thailand, Afghanistan and several democracies in Eastern Europe, as well as a small center at the Guantanamo Bay prison in Cuba, according to current and former intelligence officials and diplomats from three continents.
In Afghanistan, the largest CIA covert prison was code-named the Salt Pit, at center left above. (Space Imaging Middle East)
In Afghanistan, the largest CIA covert prison was code-named the Salt Pit, at center left above.
(Space Imaging Middle East)
The hidden global internment network is a central element in the CIA's unconventional war on terrorism. It depends on the cooperation of foreign intelligence services, and on keeping even basic information about the system secret from the public, foreign officials and nearly all members of Congress charged with overseeing the CIA's covert actions.
The existence and locations of the facilities — referred to as "black sites" in classified White House, CIA, Justice Department and congressional documents — are known to only a handful of officials in the United States and, usually, only to the president and a few top intelligence officers in each host country.
The CIA and the White House, citing national security concerns and the value of the program, have dissuaded Congress from demanding that the agency answer questions in open testimony about the conditions under which captives are held. Virtually nothing is known about who is kept in the facilities, what interrogation methods are employed with them, or how decisions are made about whether they should be detained or for how long.
While the Defense Department has produced volumes of public reports and testimony about its detention practices and rules after the abuse scandals at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison and at Guantanamo Bay, the CIA has not even acknowledged the existence of its black sites. To do so, say officials familiar with the program, could open the U.S. government to legal challenges, particularly in foreign courts, and increase the risk of political condemnation at home and abroad.
But the revelations of widespread prisoner abuse in Afghanistan and Iraq by the U.S. military — which operates under published rules and transparent oversight of Congress — have increased concern among lawmakers, foreign governments and human rights groups about the opaque CIA system. Those concerns escalated last month, when Vice President Cheney and CIA Director Porter J. Goss asked Congress to exempt CIA employees from legislation already endorsed by 90 senators that would bar cruel and degrading treatment of any prisoner in U.S. custody.
Although the CIA will not acknowledge details of its system, intelligence officials defend the agency's approach, arguing that the successful defense of the country requires that the agency be empowered to hold and interrogate suspected terrorists for as long as necessary and without restrictions imposed by the U.S. legal system or even by the military tribunals established for prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay.
The Washington Post is not publishing the names of the Eastern European countries involved in the covert program, at the request of senior U.S. officials. They argued that the disclosure might disrupt counterterrorism efforts in those countries and elsewhere and could make them targets of possible terrorist retaliation.
The secret detention system was conceived in the chaotic and anxious first months after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, when the working assumption was that a second strike was imminent.
Since then, the arrangement has been increasingly debated within the CIA, where considerable concern lingers about the legality, morality and practicality of holding even unrepentant terrorists in such isolation and secrecy, perhaps for the duration of their lives. Mid-level and senior CIA officers began arguing two years ago that the system was unsustainable and diverted the agency from its unique espionage mission.
"We never sat down, as far as I know, and came up with a grand strategy," said one former senior intelligence officer who is familiar with the program but not the location of the prisons. "Everything was very reactive. That's how you get to a situation where you pick people up, send them into a netherworld and don't say, 'What are we going to do with them afterwards?' "
Researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.
© 2005 The Washington Post Company
CIA Holds Terror Suspects in Secret Prisons
By Dana Priest
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, November 2, 2005; Page A01
It is illegal for the government to hold prisoners in such isolation in secret prisons in the United States, which is why the CIA placed them overseas, according to several former and current intelligence officials and other U.S. government officials. Legal experts and intelligence officials said that the CIA's internment practices also would be considered illegal under the laws of several host countries, where detainees have rights to have a lawyer or to mount a defense against allegations of wrongdoing.
Host countries have signed the U.N. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, as has the United States. Yet CIA interrogators in the overseas sites are permitted to use the CIA's approved "Enhanced Interrogation Techniques," some of which are prohibited by the U.N. convention and by U.S. military law. They include tactics such as "waterboarding," in which a prisoner is made to believe he or she is drowning.
Some detainees apprehended by the CIA and transferred to foreign intelligence agencies have alleged after their release that they were tortured, although it is unclear whether CIA personnel played a role in the alleged abuse. Given the secrecy surrounding CIA detentions, such accusations have heightened concerns among foreign governments and human rights groups about CIA detention and interrogation practices.
The contours of the CIA's detention program have emerged in bits and pieces over the past two years. Parliaments in Canada, Italy, France, Sweden and the Netherlands have opened inquiries into alleged CIA operations that secretly captured their citizens or legal residents and transferred them to the agency's prisons.
More than 100 suspected terrorists have been sent by the CIA into the covert system, according to current and former U.S. intelligence officials and foreign sources. This figure, a rough estimate based on information from sources who said their knowledge of the numbers was incomplete, does not include prisoners picked up in Iraq.
The detainees break down roughly into two classes, the sources said.
About 30 are considered major terrorism suspects and have been held under the highest level of secrecy at black sites financed by the CIA and managed by agency personnel, including those in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, according to current and former intelligence officers and two other U.S. government officials. Two locations in this category — in Thailand and on the grounds of the military prison at Guantanamo Bay — were closed in 2003 and 2004, respectively.
A second tier — which these sources believe includes more than 70 detainees — is a group considered less important, with less direct involvement in terrorism and having limited intelligence value. These prisoners, some of whom were originally taken to black sites, are delivered to intelligence services in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Afghanistan and other countries, a process sometimes known as "rendition." While the first-tier black sites are run by CIA officers, the jails in these countries are operated by the host nations, with CIA financial assistance and, sometimes, direction.
Morocco, Egypt and Jordan have said that they do not torture detainees, although years of State Department human rights reports accuse all three of chronic prisoner abuse.
The top 30 al Qaeda prisoners exist in complete isolation from the outside world. Kept in dark, sometimes underground cells, they have no recognized legal rights, and no one outside the CIA is allowed to talk with or even see them, or to otherwise verify their well-being, said current and former and U.S. and foreign government and intelligence officials.
Most of the facilities were built and are maintained with congressionally appropriated funds, but the White House has refused to allow the CIA to brief anyone except the House and Senate intelligence committees' chairmen and vice chairmen on the program's generalities.
The Eastern European countries that the CIA has persuaded to hide al Qaeda captives are democracies that have embraced the rule of law and individual rights after decades of Soviet domination. Each has been trying to cleanse its intelligence services of operatives who have worked on behalf of others — mainly Russia and organized crime.

Researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.
© 2005 The Washington Post Company
CIA Holds Terror Suspects in Secret Prisons
By Dana Priest
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, November 2, 2005; Page A01
Origins of the Black Sites

'The CIA has been hiding and interrogating some of its most important al Qaeda captives at a Soviet-era compound in Eastern Europe, according to U.S. and foreign officials familiar with the arrangement.
The idea of holding terrorists outside the U.S. legal system was not under consideration before Sept. 11, 2001, not even for Osama bin Laden, according to former government officials. The plan was to bring bin Laden and his top associates into the U.S. justice system for trial or to send them to foreign countries where they would be tried.
"The issue of detaining and interrogating people was never, ever discussed," said a former senior intelligence officer who worked in the CIA's Counterterrorist Center, or CTC, during that period. "It was against the culture and they believed information was best gleaned by other means."
On the day of the attacks, the CIA already had a list of what it called High-Value Targets from the al Qaeda structure, and as the World Trade Center and Pentagon attack plots were unraveled, more names were added to the list. The question of what to do with these people surfaced quickly.
The CTC's chief of operations argued for creating hit teams of case officers and CIA paramilitaries that would covertly infiltrate countries in the Middle East, Africa and even Europe to assassinate people on the list, one by one.
But many CIA officers believed that the al Qaeda leaders would be worth keeping alive to interrogate about their network and other plots. Some officers worried that the CIA would not be very adept at assassination.
"We'd probably shoot ourselves," another former senior CIA official said.
The agency set up prisons under its covert action authority. Under U.S. law, only the president can authorize a covert action, by signing a document called a presidential finding. Findings must not break U.S. law and are reviewed and approved by CIA, Justice Department and White House legal advisers.
Six days after the Sept. 11 attacks, President Bush signed a sweeping finding that gave the CIA broad authorization to disrupt terrorist activity, including permission to kill, capture and detain members of al Qaeda anywhere in the world.
It could not be determined whether Bush approved a separate finding for the black-sites program, but the consensus among current and former intelligence and other government officials interviewed for this article is that he did not have to.
Rather, they believe that the CIA general counsel's office acted within the parameters of the Sept. 17 finding. The black-site program was approved by a small circle of White House and Justice Department lawyers and officials, according to several former and current U.S. government and intelligence officials.
Researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.
© 2005 The Washington Post Company
CIA Holds Terror Suspects in Secret Prisons
By Dana Priest
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, November 2, 2005; Page A01
Deals With 2 Countries

Among the first steps was to figure out where the CIA could secretly hold the captives. One early idea was to keep them on ships in international waters, but that was discarded for security and logistics reasons.
CIA officers also searched for a setting like Alcatraz Island. They considered the virtually unvisited islands in Lake Kariba in Zambia, which were edged with craggy cliffs and covered in woods. But poor sanitary conditions could easily lead to fatal diseases, they decided, and besides, they wondered, could the Zambians be trusted with such a secret?
Still without a long-term solution, the CIA began sending suspects it captured in the first month or so after Sept. 11 to its longtime partners, the intelligence services of Egypt and Jordan.
A month later, the CIA found itself with hundreds of prisoners who were captured on battlefields in Afghanistan. A short-term solution was improvised. The agency shoved its highest-value prisoners into metal shipping containers set up on a corner of the Bagram Air Base, which was surrounded with a triple perimeter of concertina-wire fencing. Most prisoners were left in the hands of the Northern Alliance, U.S.-supported opposition forces who were fighting the Taliban.
"I remember asking: What are we going to do with these people?" said a senior CIA officer. "I kept saying, where's the help? We've got to bring in some help. We can't be jailers — our job is to find Osama."
Then came grisly reports, in the winter of 2001, that prisoners kept by allied Afghan generals in cargo containers had died of asphyxiation. The CIA asked Congress for, and was quickly granted, tens of millions of dollars to establish a larger, long-term system in Afghanistan, parts of which would be used for CIA prisoners.
The largest CIA prison in Afghanistan was code-named the Salt Pit. It was also the CIA's substation and was first housed in an old brick factory outside Kabul. In November 2002, an inexperienced CIA case officer allegedly ordered guards to strip naked an uncooperative young detainee, chain him to the concrete floor and leave him there overnight without blankets. He froze to death, according to four U.S. government officials. The CIA officer has not been charged in the death.
The Salt Pit was protected by surveillance cameras and tough Afghan guards, but the road leading to it was not safe to travel and the jail was eventually moved inside Bagram Air Base. It has since been relocated off the base.
By mid-2002, the CIA had worked out secret black-site deals with two countries, including Thailand and one Eastern European nation, current and former officials said. An estimated $100 million was tucked inside the classified annex of the first supplemental Afghanistan appropriation.
Then the CIA captured its first big detainee, in March 28, 2002. Pakistani forces took Abu Zubaida, al Qaeda's operations chief, into custody and the CIA whisked him to the new black site in Thailand, which included underground interrogation cells, said several former and current intelligence officials. Six months later, Sept. 11 planner Ramzi Binalshibh was also captured in Pakistan and flown to Thailand.
But after published reports revealed the existence of the site in June 2003, Thai officials insisted the CIA shut it down, and the two terrorists were moved elsewhere, according to former government officials involved in the matter. Work between the two countries on counterterrorism has been lukewarm ever since.
In late 2002 or early 2003, the CIA brokered deals with other countries to establish black-site prisons. One of these sites — which sources said they believed to be the CIA's biggest facility now — became particularly important when the agency realized it would have a growing number of prisoners and a shrinking number of prisons.
Thailand was closed, and sometime in 2004 the CIA decided it had to give up its small site at Guantanamo Bay. The CIA had planned to convert that into a state-of-the-art facility, operated independently of the military. The CIA pulled out when U.S. courts began to exercise greater control over the military detainees, and agency officials feared judges would soon extend the same type of supervision over their detainees.
In hindsight, say some former and current intelligence officials, the CIA's problems were exacerbated by another decision made within the Counterterrorist Center at Langley.
The CIA program's original scope was to hide and interrogate the two dozen or so al Qaeda leaders believed to be directly responsible for the Sept. 11 attacks, or who posed an imminent threat, or had knowledge of the larger al Qaeda network. But as the volume of leads pouring into the CTC from abroad increased, and the capacity of its paramilitary group to seize suspects grew, the CIA began apprehending more people whose intelligence value and links to terrorism were less certain, according to four current and former officials.
The original standard for consigning suspects to the invisible universe was lowered or ignored, they said. "They've got many, many more who don't reach any threshold," one intelligence official said.
Several former and current intelligence officials, as well as several other U.S. government officials with knowledge of the program, express frustration that the White House and the leaders of the intelligence community have not made it a priority to decide whether the secret internment program should continue in its current form, or be replaced by some other approach.
Meanwhile, the debate over the wisdom of the program continues among CIA officers, some of whom also argue that the secrecy surrounding the program is not sustainable.
"It's just a horrible burden," said the intelligence official.
Researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.
© 2005 The Washington Post Company
Names of the Detained in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba

Updated Nov. 1, 2005
The Pentagon has declined to identify the detainees at Guantanamo Bay, most of whom were captured in Afghanistan during and after the 2001 war there. Below is the largest list of names made public thus far, encompassing: 434 men whose identities have appeared in media reports, on Arabic Web sites and in legal documents.
Some names came from family members of detainees who have sent letters home through the International Committee of the Red Cross. One hundred and seventeen people on the list have been sent back to their home countries for further detention or for release. They are marked with an "R." Several of those have been interviewed by reporters.
Many names came from two Web sites that monitor the status of Guantanamo detainees: the Arabic-language Alasra and the Britain-based CagePrisoners (www.cageprisoners.com).
Alasra lists 202 names and CagePrisoners about 330. The two sites, which advocate the release of the detainees, have published lists of names, photographs and documents provided by families. Alasra is registered to an unknown individual in Saudi Arabia, and CagePrisoners is registered to a group of Muslim computer programmers based in Britain. Sixty-two names came from an official publication of the Yemeni Defense Ministry in January, and the names of 58 Pakistanis were published by a Pakistani newspaper in October 2002. In that same month, al Qaeda supporters in Afghanistan distributed a list naming "57 al Qaeda members" who were prisoners at Guatanamo.
How the Names Made the List
For four years, Washington Post researchers have been compiling the names and countries of origin of detainees from unofficial, public sources: news accounts, legal documents, interviews with attorneys and relatives, and information from detainee support sites on the Web. The Post is printing only names that it has verified from a single reputable source or multiple sources. Some names have been transliterated from Arabic or have alternative spellings.
Related story: Holding Cell In War on Terror (Post, May 2, 2004)

Guantanamo Bay Detainees by Nationality

Afghanistan | Algeria | Australia | Bahrain | Belgium | Canada | Denmark | Egypt | France | Iraq | Iran | Jordan | Kuwait | Libya | Maldives | Mauritania | Morocco | Pakistan | Russia | Saudi Arabia | Spain | Sudan | Syria | Sweden | Tajikistan | Tunisia | Turkey | Uganda | United Kingdom | Yemen | Unknown

Sort the Detainees by Last Name

Afghanistan
NameNationalityReleased
Abasin, SaidAfghanistanR
Abdul Ghaffar, MullaAfghanistanR
Agha, Ismail (Muhammad Ismail)AfghanistanR
Akhber, MohammedAfghanistanR
Ali, Sahibzada UsmanAfghanistanR
Aslam, NoorAfghanistanR
Bacha, SakiAfghanistan 
Bader, Abdul MananAfghanistanR
Badr, BadrzamanAfghanistanR
BarakAfghanistanR
Dost, Haji Rahim MuslimAfghanistanR
EhsannullahAfghanistanR
Farooq, Muhammad NaimAfghanistanR
Fazil or Fadhil, MullahAfghanistan 
Ghafar, Maulvi AbdulAfghanistanR
Ghulab, SherAfghanistanR
Gul, LallAfghanistanR
Gul, NateAfghanistanR
Habibulla, NurAfghanistanR
Khairkhwa, KhairullahAfghanistan 
Khan, AlifAfghanistanR
Khan, AzizAfghanistanR
Khan, Haji MohammedAfghanistanR
Khan, JumaAfghanistan 
Khan, MerzaAfghanistanR
Koochi, NaeemAfghanistanR
Mazloom, FazelAfghanistan 
MohammedAfghanistanR
Mohammed, Hajii FaizAfghanistanR
Mohammed, JanAfghanistanR
Mohammed, WazirAfghanistan 
Muhammad, MirzaAfghanistan 
NaqibullahAfghanistanR
Osman, HajiAfghanistanR
Osman, MohammadAfghanistanR
Rahim, AbdurAfghanistanR
Rahman, AsadullahAfghanistanR
RahmatullahAfghanistanR
Raouf, Mullah AbdelAfghanistan 
Razeq, AbdulAfghanistanR
Rehman, AbdulAfghanistanR
RustamAfghanistan 
SabitullahAfghanistanR
SarajudimAfghanistanR
Shah, RostumAfghanistanR
Shah, SlimanAfghanistanR
Shah, SulaimanAfghanistanR
Shah, ZakhimAfghanistanR
Shakur, MullahAfghanistan 
Shehzada, MullahAfghanistanR
Sidiq, MohammedAfghanistanR
Sidiq, MuhammadAfghanistanR
Tahir, MohammadAfghanistanR
Ullah, AsadAfghanistan 
Wali, BadshahAfghanistanR
Wazir, MohammedAfghanistanR
Zaeef, MohammedAfghanistan 

Return to Index »


Algeria
NameNationalityReleased
Abdullah, AbuAlgeria 
Ait Idir, MustaphaAlgeria/Bosnia 
Belkacem, BensayahAlgeria 
Boumediene, LakhdarAlgeria 
El Hadj, BoudellaAlgeria 
Lahmar, SaberAlgeria/Bosnia 
Nechle, MohamedAlgeria 
Slaa, Byami AbuAlgeria 
Zemiri, AhceneAlgeria (Canada resident) 

Return to Index »


Australia
NameNationalityReleased
Habib, MamdouhAustraliaR
Hicks, DavidAustralia 

Return to Index »


Bahrain
NameNationalityReleased
Al Balushi, Salah Abdul RasoolBahrain 
Al Dossary, Juma MohammedBahrain 
Al Khalifa, Shaikh Salman bin EbrahimBahrain 
Al Merbati, IsaBahrain 
Al Naoimi, Abdulla MajidBahrain 
Al Wadi, Adil Kamil AbdullahBahrain 
Haji , Adil Kamel AbdullahBahrain 

Return to Index »


Belgium
NameNationalityReleased
Zemmouri, MoussaBelgiumR

Return to Index »


Canada
NameNationalityReleased
Khadr, Abdur RahmanCanadaR
Khadr, OmarCanada 

Return to Index »


Denmark
NameNationalityReleased
Abderrahmane, Slimane HadjDenmarkR

Return to Index »


Egyptian
NameNationalityReleased
Al-Laithi, SamiEgyptR
El-Weleli, Reda FadelEgypt 
Mazrou, Alaa Abdel-MaqsoudEgypt 
Meshad, SherifEgypt 
Rahman, Ahmed AbdelEgypt 

Return to Index »


France
NameNationalityReleased
Benchellali, MouradFranceR
Kanouni, ImadFranceR
Mustafa, Khaled benFranceR
Patel, Mushtaq AliFranceR
Ridouane, KhalidFranceR
Sassi, NizarFranceR
Yadel, BrahimFranceR

Return to Index »


Iraq
NameNationalityReleased
Al Rawi, BisherIraq 

Return to Index »


Iran
NameNationalityReleased
Anvarkord, MohammadIranR
Bameri, BahktiarIranR

Return to Index »


Jordan
NameNationalityReleased
Abdul Rahman, WesamJordanR
Al Asmar, KhalidJordanR
Al Banna, JamilJordan (U.K. resident) 
Asnar, KhalidJordan 
Azzam, HusseinJordan 
Nabaytah, HassanJordan 

Return to Index »


Kuwait
NameNationalityReleased
Al Ajmi, Abdullah Saleh AliKuwait 
Al Azmi, Saad Madai SaadKuwait 
Al Dihani, Mohammed FunaitelKuwait 
Al Kandari, Abdullah kamel bin Abdullah KamalKuwait 
Al Kandari, Fayiz Mohammed AhmedKuwait 
Al Mutairi, Khalid Abdullah MishalKuwait 
Al Mutairi, Nasser Nijer NaserKuwaitR
Al Odah, Fawzi Khalid Abdullah FahadKuwait 
Al Rabiah, Fwad MahmoudKuwait 
Al Shammari, Abdulaziz SayerOwainKuwait 
Al Zamil, Adil Zamil Abdull MohssinKuwait 
Amin, Omar RajabKuwait 

Return to Index »


Libya
NameNationalityReleased
Deghayes, OmarLibya 
Gherebi, FalenLibya 

Return to Index »


Maldives
NameNationalityReleased
Fauzee, IbrahimMaldivesR

Return to Index »


Mauritania
NameNationalityReleased
Ould Slahi, MouhamedouMauritania 

Return to Index »


Morocco
NameNationalityReleased
Abdullah, AhmadMorocco 
Abdullah, NoorudeenMorocco 
Abdulsalam, ReswanMorocco 
Al Alami, MuhammadMorocco 
Ash Shaqoori, UsamahMorocco 
Al Shaqoori, YunusMorocco 
Ali, Abu SanaMorocco 
Aouzar, MohamedMoroccoR
Ash Shaqoori, UsamahMorocco 
Bajadiyah, SaeedMorocco 
Benchakroun, BrahimMoroccoR
Binmoojan, MuhammadMorocco 
Chekkouri, RedouanMoroccoR
Chekkouri, YounesMorocco 
Feroze, MuhammadMorocco 
Ikassrien, LahcenMorocco 
Mazouz, MohamedMoroccoR
Shaqroon, Ibrahim binMorocco 
Tabarak, Abdallah (Abu Omar)MoroccoR

Return to Index »


Pakistan
NameNationalityReleased
Abbas, MuhammadPakistan 
Ahmad, AliPakistanR
Ahmad, EjazPakistan 
Ahmed, SarfarazPakistan 
Alam, Noor (Abdullah MahsudPakistanR
Ali, SarfrazPakistan 
Ali, Syed SaimPakistan 
Amin, AminullahPakistan 
Ansar, MuhammadPakistanR
Anwar, MuhammadPakistan 
Ashraf, MuhammadPakistan 
Ayub, HaseebPakistan 
Dad, FazalPakistan 
Hanif, MuhammadPakistan 
Iilyas, MuhammadPakistan 
Iqbal, Faid or FaiqPakistanR
Iqbal, ZafarPakistan 
Irfan, MuhammadPakistan 
Ishaq, MuhammadPakistanR
Jamaluddin, MuhammadPakistanR
Jan, AziaullahPakistan 
Khan, AlefPakistanR
Khan, AzizPakistan 
Khan, BadshahPakistan 
Khan, Ejaz AhmadPakistanR
Khan, Hamood ullahPakistan 
Khan, IssaPakistan 
Khan, Muhammad EjazPakistan 
Khan, Muhammad KashifPakistanR
Khan, Tariq AzizPakistanR
KifayatullahPakistan 
Manzoor, Hafiz LiaqatPakistanR
Maula, AbdulPakistanR
Mehmood, MajidPakistanR
Mehmood, TalliPakistanR
Muhammad, AliPakistan 
Muhammad, ShahPakistanR
Naseer, Muneer binPakistan 
Nauman, MuhammadPakistan 
Omar, MuhammadPakistan 
Paracha, SaifullahPakistan 
Rafiq, MuhammadPakistan 
Rahim, AbdulPakistan 
Raza, AbidPakistan 
Raza, Muhammad ArshadPakistan 
Razaq, Abdul/AbdurPakistanR
Rehman, AbdulPakistan 
Rehman, Hafiz Khalil urPakistan 
Rehman, Sajid-urPakistanR
Saeed, Hafiz EhsanPakistan 
Saeed, MuhammadPakistan 
Safeesi, Abdul SattarPakistan 
Sagheer, MuhammadPakistanR
Salahuddin, GhaziPakistanR
Sattar, AbdulPakistan 
Shah, Syed Zia HussainPakistan 
Sultan, ZahidPakistan 
Tariq, MuhammadPakistan 
Tariq, MuhammadPakistan 
Wali, Jehan/JanPakistanR
Zaman, Badar uzPakistan 
Zaman, QaisirPakistanR

Return to Index »


Russia
NameNationalityReleased
Akhmyarov, RustamRussiaR
Gumarov, RavilRussiaR
Ishmuradov, TimurRussiaR
Khazhiyev, ShamilRussiaR
Kudayev, RasulRussiaR
Mingazov, RavilRussia 
Odigov, RuslanRussiaR
Vakhitov, AryatRussiaR

Return to Index »


Saudi Arabia
NameNationalityReleased
Aamer, Shaker Abdur-RaheemSaudi Arabia 
Al Anazi, AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Al Areeni, KhalidSaudi Arabia 
Al Aseemi, Fahd Sultan UbaidSaudi Arabia 
Al Aushan, Abdul Aziz SadSaudi Arabia 
Al Aushan, Salih bin AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Al Aushan, SalmanSaudi Arabia 
Al Badaah, Abdul Aziz bin Abdur RahmanSaudi Arabia 
Al Bahooth, Ziyad bin Salih bin Muhammad<Saudi Arabia 
Al Barakati, KhalidSaudi Arabia 
Al Bedani, Abdul Khaled Ahmed SahlehSaudi Arabia 
Al Fawzan, Fahd FawzanSaudi Arabia 
Al Fifi, JaberSaudi Arabia 
Al Fouzan, FahdSaudi Arabia 
Al Ghamdi, Abdur Rahman UthmanSaudi Arabia 
Al Ghamdi, Khalaf AwadSaudi Arabia 
Al Ghamdi, Saeed FarhahSaudi Arabia 
Al Ghamdi, ZaidSaudi Arabia 
Al Ghanimi, Abdullah Muhammad SalihSaudi Arabia 
Al Habardi, Mane ShamanSaudi Arabia 
Al Harbi, Mish or MisalSaudi Arabia 
Al Harbi, Ibrahim DaifullahSaudi Arabia 
Al Harbi, TariqSaudi Arabia 
Al Jowfi, RashidSaudi Arabia 
Al Juaid, Rami SadSaudi Arabia 
Al Judaan, HamoodSaudi Arabia 
Al Juhani, BadrSaudi Arabia 
Al Juhdali, ZiyadSaudi Arabia 
Al Jutaili, Fahd bin Salih bin SulaimanSaudi Arabia 
Al Kaabi, Jamil AliSaudi Arabia 
Al Khalafi, AsimSaudi Arabia 
Al Khalidi, SulaimanSaudi Arabia 
Al Khowlani, IdreesSaudi Arabia 
Al Maaliki, SadSaudi Arabia 
Al Marrah, KhalidSaudi Arabia 
Al Matrafi, AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Al Mosleh, Abdullah HamidSaudi Arabia 
Al Muraqi, Khalid bin AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Al Musa, Abdul WahabSaudi Arabia 
Al Nasir, Ibrahim MuhammadSaudi Arabia 
Al Nukhailan, NaifSaudi Arabia 
Al Nur, Anwar HamdanSaudi Arabia 
Al Nusairi, Adil Uqla HasanSaudi Arabia 
Al Omar, Wasim Awad Al WasimSaudi Arabia 
Al Omari, Musa bin Ali bin SaeedSaudi Arabia 
Al Otaibi, BandarSaudi Arabia 
Al Owshan, Abdul Aziz SadSaudi Arabia 
Al Owshan, Saleh bin AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Al Owshan, Salman or SuliemanSaudi Arabia 
Al Qaaid, RashidSaudi Arabia 
Al Qahtani, Abdullah Hamid al MuslihSaudi Arabia 
al Qahtani, Jaber HasanSaudi Arabia 
Al Qahtani, MohamedSaudi Arabia 
Al Qahtani, SadSaudi Arabia 
Al Qurashi, Muhammad Abdur-Rahman AbidSaudi Arabia 
Al Rabeesh, YusufSaudi Arabia 
Ash Sabeei, Abdul Hadi MuhammadSaudi Arabia 
Ash Sabeei, AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Ash Sabeei, Muhammad JayidSaudi Arabia 
Al Sayegh, Adnan Muhammad AliSaudi Arabia 
Al Shaher, SalemSaudi Arabia 
Al Shahrani, Muhammad bin Abdur Rahman<Saudi Arabia 
Ash Shaibani, BandarSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shammari, Majid Afas Radi Al TumiSaudi Arabia 
Al Shamri, Anwar Hamdan al NoorSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shareef, Fahd UmarSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shareef, SultanSaudi Arabia 
Al Shehri, Abdus Salam GhaithanSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shehri, Saeed Ali Jabir ale KhuthaimSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shehri, SalimSaudi Arabia 
Al Shehri, Yusuf MuhammadSaudi Arabia 
Al Sulami, YahyaSaudi Arabia 
Al Umar, Ibrahim bin UmarSaudi ArabiaR
Al Unzi, Abdullah Thani Faris Al SulamiSaudi Arabia 
Al Unzi, KhalidSaudi Arabia 
Al Unzi, RakanSaudi Arabia 
Al Unzi, Sultan Sari SaailSaudi Arabia 
Al Utaibi, Bajad bin DaifillahSaudi Arabia 
Al Utaibi, BandarSaudi Arabia 
Al Utaibi, Muhammad SuroorSaudi Arabia 
Al Utaibi, Naif Fahd Al AseemiSaudi Arabia 
Al Zahrani, KhalidSaudi ArabiaR
Al Zahrani, Sad Ibrahim Ramzi al-JundubiSaudi Arabia 
Al Zahrani, Yasser TalalSaudi Arabia 
As Sabeei or Al Sabeei, Muhammad JayidSaudi Arabia 
As Sabeei, Abdul Hadi MuhammadSaudi Arabia 
As Sabeei, AbdullahSaudi Arabia 
Aseeri, Turki Mashawi Zayid Ale JabaliSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shabani, Fahd AbdullahSaudi ArabiaR
Ash Shahrani, Muhammad bin Abdur RahmanSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shaibani, BandarSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shamari, ZainSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shamri, Anwar Hamdan al NoorSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shareef, Fahd UmarSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shareef, SultanSaudi Arabia 
Ash Sharikh, Abdul HadiSaudi Arabia 
Ash Sharikh, Abdur RazzaqSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shehri, Yusuf MuhammadSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shehri, Saeed Abdul Jabir ale KhutaimSaudi Arabia 
Ash Shehri, SaleemSaudi Arabia 
Ashadouki, MishaleSaudi ArabiaR
Bukhari, Abdul HakeemSaudi Arabia 
Fouzan, FahedSaudi Arabia 
Ghazi, Fahd Abdullah AhmadSaudi Arabia 
Hamza, AbuSaudi Arabia 
Joaid, Abdul RahmanSaudi Arabia 
Muqaddam, MurtadaSaudi Arabia 
Noor, Yusuf KhaleelSaudi Arabia 
Saud, AbuSaudi Arabia 

Return to Index »


Spain
NameNationalityReleased
Ahmed, Hamed AbderrahmanSpainR

Return to Index »


Sudan
NameNationalityReleased
Ahmad, Rashid HasanSudanR
Al Haj, Sami Mohy EldinSudan 
Al Qosi, Ibrahim Ahmed MahmoudSudan 
Babikir, Muhammad al GhazaliSudanR

Return to Index »


Sweden
NameNationalityReleased
Ghezali, Mehdi MuhammedSwedenR

Return to Index »


Syria
NameNationalityReleased
Al Muhammad, MahmoodSyria 
Dukhan, MamarSyria 

Return to Index »


Tajikistan
NameNationalityReleased
Nabiyev, YusufTajikistan 
Sharofov, RukmiddinTajikistan 
Vohidov, MuqimTajikistan 

Return to Index »


Tunisia
NameNationalityReleased
Hkimi, AdelTunisia 
Lagah, Lofti Ben SuihiTunisia 
Mabrouk, Adel Ben HamidaTunisia 
Nasri, Riadh MohammadTunisia 
Ridha, YazidiTunisia 
Sassi, Mohammed Ben SalaTunisia 

Return to Index »


Turkey
NameNationalityReleased
Bayifkan, LutfiTurkey 
Celik, AbdullahTurkey 
Celikgogus, YukselTurkeyR
Eksi, MustafaTurkey 
Kurnaz, MuratTurkey (German resident) 
Mert, NuriTurkeyR
Sen, IbrahimTurkey 
Sen, MesutTurkeyR
Uyar, SalihTurkeyR
Uzel, TurgutTurkey 

Return to Index »


Uganda
NameNationalityReleased
Abdullah, JamalUganda 

Return to Index »


United Kingdom
NameNationalityReleased
Abbasi, FerozUnited KingdomR
Ahmed, RuhalUnited KingdomR
Al-Harith, Jamal UdeenUnited KingdomR
Begg, MoazzamUnited KingdomR
Belmar, RichardUnited KingdomR
Dergoul, TarekUnited KingdomR
Iqbal, AsifUnited KingdomR
Mubanga, MartinUnited Kingdom/ZambiaR
Rasul, ShafiqUnited KingdomR

Return to Index »


Unknown
NameNationalityReleased
Al Qadasi, WalidUnknownR
Arbaish, Khalid bin SuleimanUnknown 
Maimoundi, HassanUnknown 

Return to Index »


Yemen
NameNationalityReleased
Abd, Allah Ab Aljalil Abd Al RahmanYemen 
Abdoh, Atag AliYemen 
Abdulraheem, OthmanYemen 
Ahmed, Fahmi AbdullahYemen 
Ahmed, Faruq AliYemen 
Al Adahi, MohamedYemen 
Al Asadi, Mohamed AhmedYemen 
Al Askari, Mohsin AliYemen 
Al Assani, Fahmi SalemYemen 
Al Azraq, Majid HamoudYemen 
Al Baasi, Mohsin AbdullahYemen 
Al Bahlul, Ali Hamza Ahmed SulaymanYemen 
Al Baidhani, AbdulkhaliqYemen 
Al Busayss, Adil Said Al Haj ObeidYemen 
Al Darbi, AhmedYemen 
Al Dhabbi, Khalid Mohamed SalehYemen 
Al Dhabi, Salah Mohamed SalehYemen 
Al Dini, Omar SaeedYemen 
Al Ghaith, Abdurahman baYemen 
Al Habashi, RaafatYemen 
Al Haimi, Basheer Al MarwaliYemen 
Al Haj, SarqawiYemen 
Al Hamd, Adel SalehYemen 
Al Hassan, Sameer NajiYemen 
Al Kazimi, Ali NasserYemen 
Al Kouri, Farouq AhmedYemen 
Al Madhoni, MusaabYemen 
Al Mahdi, Ali Yahya MahdiYemen 
Al Marwalah, Bishir Naser AliYemen 
Al Matari, Fahd Al HaimiYemen 
Al Muhajiri, AbdulmajeedYemen 
Al Mujahid, Mahmoud AbdulazizYemen 
Al Qadasi, Khalid MassahYemen 
Al Rabahi, Abdullah AmeenYemen 
Al Rahabi, Abdulmalik AbdulwahhabYemen 
Al Raimi, Ali Yahya MahdiYemen 
Al Raimi, Ismail AliYemen 
Al Razehi, Ali Ahmed MohammadYemen 
Al Salami, Ali AbdullahYemen 
Al Salami, Saleh AbdullahYemen 
Al Samh, Adil AbuYemen 
Al Sarim, Saeed AhmedYemen 
Al Shamiri, MustafaYemen 
Al Siblie, Abdullah Yahya YousufYemen 
Al Suwaidi, AbdulazizYemen 
Al Tawlaqi, FahmiYemen 
Al Wahab, Abd al Malik AbdYemen 
Al Warifi, MukhtaarYemen 
Al Yafii, Al Khadir AbdullahYemen 
Al Zuhairi, Ahmed ZaidYemen 
Al-Tis, Ali HussainYemen 
Amer, Jalal Salim binYemen 
Anam, Suhail AbdoYemen 
Amro, Jalal Salem binYemen 
Anam, Suhail AbdoYemen 
Aqeel, Sulaiman binYemen 
Batarfi, Ayman SaeedYemen 
Ghanem, Mohamed Ragab AbuYemen 
Hamada, MohamedYemen 
Hamdan, Salim AhmedYemen 
Hamdoon, Zahir Omar binYemen 
Hassan, Imad AbdullahYemen 
Hassan, Mohammad MohammadYemen 
Hatem, SaeedYemen 
Ismail, Yasin Qasem MuhammadYemen 
Kassim, Khalid AhmedYemen 
Khasraf, Mohamed Nasser Yahya AbdullahYemen 
Mujarrad, Talal Ahmed MohamedYemen 
Murshid, AyoubYemen 
Omar, Othman AliYemen 
Qaid, YaseenYemen 
Qassim, Khalid AhmedYemen 
Quraish, Nasr AbdullahYemen 
Rabeii, Salman Yahya Hassan MohammadYemen 
Rashid, Hani SalehYemen 
Salman, Mohamed binYemen 
Shaalan, Hani Abdo MuslihYemen 
Utain, RiyadYemen 
Uthman, Abdur Rahim Mohammad UthmanYemen 
Wazeer, Abdullah baYemen 

© 2005 The Washington Post Company
Comment
By 'rendering' suspects to torturers America sinks to the moral level of Saddam
Henry Porter
Sunday December 11, 2005
The Observer
The word rendition was an odd one in the context.   It seemed to imply long-standing procedures, an obscure diplomatic formality perhaps.   It was some weeks later that I began to puzzle at the word used by my American contact over lunch in London and which, come to think of it, was accompanied by a series of nods and glances.   I understood what it was to render something - although not perhaps someone - and I knew what a rendition was in the context of musical and dramatic performance, but what did it mean in the new war against terror? And what was 'extraordinary rendition'?
This was in the dying weeks of 2001.   Sometime early the following year I saw him again; this time he was on his way back from Afghanistan where he had been contracted to the US military in a quasi intelligence role.   He was in exultant, kick-arse form.   The war against the Taliban had been won; al-Qaeda was in flight and its members were being hunted down across the globe.
I asked him again about renditions.   He revolved his eyes and looked away as though to say I was being dim, which maybe I was.   But the problem with rendition, I explained, was that it was such an ambiguous term.   A rendition can mean nothing more than a delivery, an exchange, or a return by agreement.   Or it can refer to the process of extracting fat from meat by applying heat.   Which did he mean? He shook his head.   Rendition was delivery and it had nothing to do with fat and meat, and anyway he wanted to talk about something else.   And extraordinary rendition? Well, buddy, use your imagination.
Sometime later I learned that rendition referred to the outsourcing of the interrogation of untried terrorist suspects, and that 'extraordinary renditions' could either refer to the capture and transport of suspects in the utmost secrecy, or to the performance of the suspect under extreme conditions - that is to say the information produced by torture.   It wasn't clear which, but I suspected it covered both.
As far as I was aware the phrase had not appeared in the media.   But there was nothing hard for me to go on.   I had no dates, places or names of individuals, and it seemed unlikely that I would get enough to write a piece of journalism.   So I started drafting a novel called Empire State and that made things a lot easier because once you go from factual reporting to fiction people tend to talk more.
It was then that I heard a story about five Egyptian al-Qaeda suspects being arrested in Albania and flown to Egypt.   The important part was that this had happened before 11 September 2001 - during the Clinton administration - proof that rendition was an established CIA practice.
So I flew to Tirana, stayed in the Rogner Hotel and waited for various contacts I had been given to return my calls.   If you hang about in the Rogner sooner or later you meet everyone you need and with a help of a fixer - one of the few Albanian males I met who was not suffering some mild psychotic disorder - I got to the bottom of the story of how five men were trapped by the electronic surveillance of the local intelligence service and were transported to Cairo by the CIA.   They were all tortured and two were hanged.
Since it had all happened in 1998 people didn't mind talking about it.   Only when I asked about current operations against al-Qaeda in the Balkans did the shutters come down.   I left Tirana for Cairo and after many false trails found the facilities where these things were likely to have happened.   I also learned that American intelligence officers were part of the process.   They did not simply leave the rendered suspects, but remained on hand to receive information produced by the interrogation.   That America was collaborating with torturers was shocking, but it was seeing these facilities that brought home to me the terror and despair of the men who were wrung dry before being executed.
Rendition is profoundly wrong and it happens to be against American law.   In 1998 the US Congress passed legislation that confirmed the policy of the United States 'not to expel, extradite, or otherwise effect the involuntary return of any person to a country in which there are substantial grounds for believing the person would be in danger of being subjected to torture, regardless of whether the person is physically present in the United States'.
Outsourcing torture is also against International law, but still the secret flights continue across the world and through European airspace - 400 over the United Kingdom alone.   Countless suspects have disappeared into various facilities never to be heard of again.
We get hot under the collar about the CIA's 'black sites' in Europe but nothing is done.   Last Thursday the Law Lords ruled that the secret tribunals hearing cases related to terrorism suspects could not consider evidence that wouldn't be acceptable in a criminal trial - in other words that which is produced by torture.   This is an important ruling for Liberty and the other human rights organisations that fought the case, but it will have no effect on renditions, for as I learned during my trips in 2002, they occur in an entirely different dimension to the criminal justice system of civilised countries.   Renditions service the 'intelligence community', not the law courts.   They are about gaining information, not proof.
Last week on a trip to Europe, the US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, clarified her country's policy by saying that America would meet its treaty obligations in respect of torture.   Two points need to be remembered from her statement.   The first is that it was flagged by her aides as an important shift in policy, from which we may therefore conclude that the CIA had been directly involved in the mistreatment of suspects.   The second is that at no stage did Rice deny or condemn the practice of outsourcing torture to countries such as Egypt.
Read her assurances carefully and you realise that she did not address the main issue about rendition.   As though to underline this, senior al-Qaeda suspects being questioned in Europe were transferred to North Africa prior to her landing in Europe last week.
Are we Europeans content as long as the torture is not going on in our backyard? It would seem so, but in Britain we should remember that during the war, when we faced a greater threat than the one posed by al-Qaeda, we did not resort to torture.   The late Colonel T. A. Robertson, a friend of my family's, was known as TAR in MI5, where for much of the Second World War he directed the B1(a) section responsible for tracking down Abwehr agents.   He would no more have contemplated torture than amputating his own right hand.   No doubt this charming man was as hard as nails but he was also civilised and, like the rest of his generation, fought for civilisation.
We affirm and protect civilisation by behaving within its constraints, not by shipping blindfolded men into dungeons where they are plugged into the electricity supply.   If only the Prime Minister had thought for a few moments before rising in the House of Commons last week to support renditions, he might have recalled that on that very day the court listening to the trial of Saddam Hussein heard evidence from women who claimed to have been tortured by the dictator's secret police.  
What is the moral difference between Saddam's behaviour and the American renditions?   There is none.   For the dirty secret about torture is that it is not simply to gain unreliable information but that it is a weapon of punishment and extreme terror, which is deployed in exactly the same way by America as it was by Saddam.   Knowing that, imagine yourself a Muslim and then see what you think about extraordinary renditions.
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
       Film outlining massacre of Afghanistans can be viewed on      www.DemocracyNow.Org      
       Click here.    Archive date:    Thursday, May 20th, 2004.      
December 5, 2005
The CIA's Rendition Flights to Secret Prisons
The Torture-Go-Round
By LILA RAJIVA
D ana Priest's recent Washington Post article, "Anatomy of a CIA 'rendition' gone wrong"(1) only confirms what those who have watched the torture scandal closely already know.   Abu Ghraib was no anomaly but the most visible tip of a widespread but clandestine policy.   Priest reveals details about a case in which the CIA used German, Macedonian, Albanian and Afghan authorities and European air space and terminals to "render" a German citizen snatched up abroad for interrogation and torture, without any material cause.
Here's the case that's now causing a furor in Europe:
Khaled al-Masri, a German citizen resident in Ulm, Germany, went on a trip to Macedonia, was arrested by local authorities on New Year's Eve, 2003 and held for over 3 weeks in a motel.   Then, he was handcuffed, blindfolded, stripped by masked men, drugged, diapered and flown to Afghanistan, on the basis of a "hunch" by a counter-terrorist chief in the CIA.   The hunch was no more than the fact that Masri's name resembled that of an associate of one of the 9-11 hijackers
Masri was imprisoned for five months by Afghans and possibly Americans and claims he was tortured.   A bus driver confirms that Masri was snatched up by border guards on the date he alleges; forensic analysis of his hair shows malnutrition during the time he claims he was imprisoned; flight logs confirm that a CIA front company flew a plane out of Macedonia on the day he says he was abducted.
Back in the US, Masri's passport and story held up and in May 2004, around the time when the Abu Ghraib scandal first burst into public view in America, the White House sent U. S. ambassador in Germany, Daniel R. Coats, on a special mission to German Interior Minister Schily, an ardent Bush supporter, to inform him of the error and tell him to keep the details secret should Masri go public.
Later in May, Masri claims he was visited in prison by a man he says was German, who told him that he was going to be released without documents that might confirm his story because the Americans would never admit to a mistake.   He was released, flown out to Albania - Macedonia wouldn't admit him - and dumped onto a narrow country road at dusk.   From there he was escorted to the international airport at Tirana by armed men and rejoined his family in Lebanon where they'd gone.
Masri's attorneys say they intend to file a lawsuit in U.S. courts this week.   Neither the CIA nor the German ministry which was told about the case, is talking.
Masri's story is given support by other news pouring in from all over Europe in the last week:
December 1: The British Guardian reports that over 300 CIA flights have landed at European airports and that CIA planes visited Germany and Britain over 200 times, if chartered flights are included.   According to the NY Times, there were 94 flights in Germany, 76 in Britain, 33 in Ireland, 16 in Portugal, 15 in Spain and Czechoslovakia each and two chartered flights that made stopovers in France.   French officials say they had no knowledge of the clandestine flights.   If so, the flights certainly violated French sovereignty.(2)
December 2: Le Figaro in France adds that the first flight was made on March 31, 2002 by a Lear jet that stopped in Brest en route from Iceland to Turkey, via Rome.   The crew was reportedly alone.   The second flight, which stopped over near Paris on July 20, 2005, from Norway, was a Gulfstream III jet that landed six times at Guantanamo.(3)
December 3: Berliner Zeitung in Germany reports that CIA aircraft used European airports minimally 15 times this past year and says that America's Ramstein Air Base (Germany) was a hub for the flights between 2002 and 2004. (4)
December 4: The Council of Europe, the foremost human rights watchdog in Europe, headed by Swiss senator Dick Marty and using satellite imagery, makes its first closed door report in Paris on "black sites" in eastern Europe and the flights in Europe.   Marty also cites the illegal abduction in February 2003 of accused terrorist and Egyptian cleric Abu Omar from Milan to Germany and then Egypt, where he was reportedly tortured. (5)
Human Rights Watch identifies the Kogalniceanu military airfield in Romania and Poland's Szczytno-Szymany airport as probable sites based on flight logs of the CIA aircraft between 2001 to 2004.   Other airports possibly used were Palma de Majorca in Spain's Balearic Islands, Larnaca in Cyprus, and Shannon in Ireland.   The CIA flight logs were analyzed by Mark Galasco, a senior military analyst with the organization who was formerly a civilian intelligence office with the Defense Intelligence Agency.   Not someone who can be easily dismissed as anti-American. (6)
Meanwhile, Poland and Romania as well as another ten nations deny having CIA facilities in their territory while Austria and Denmark are investigating US violations of their air space.   There are over six investigations into flights in various countries.
To all this the White House has tried outright denial.   Stephen Hadley, the National Security Advisor, told Fox News Sunday on December 4,
"... we comply with U.S. law.   We respect the sovereignty of the countries with which we deal.   And we do not move people around the world so that they can be tortured."
But when asked on CNN's "Late Edition" specifically if the U.S. operates secret prisons in Europe, Hadley side-stepped a clear-cut denial, preferring to fudge, "there is a lot of cooperation at a variety of levels on the war on terror."
Hadley is lying on all three counts he cites:
1. As the flight logs and investigative reports document, the US is moving people around the world to be tortured.
2. Since all 25 member states have signed the European Convention on Human Rights, and the International Convention Against Torture, secret torture cells would indeed be a violation of the laws of foreign countries.   If officials in this country did not know about these flights, as seems to be the case, then the US did indeed violate their national sovereignty.
3. The United Nations Convention Against Torture was also ratified by the U.S in 1994, and it requires "substantial grounds for believing" that a detainee will be tortured abroad.
Since Syria, Jordan, Egypt and many of the other countries where suspects have been rendered have turned up all too frequently as violators in human rights monitoring and have been cited by the State Department itself, the US cannot plausibly argue as it has, that it does not have "substantial grounds for believing" rendered suspects would be tortured there.   Its own officials are on record saying just the opposite.   Vincent Cannistraro, the CIA's former counterterrorism director, told Newsday about an al-Qaeda suspect taken to Egypt, "They promptly tore his fingernails out and he started to tell things."   (February 6, 2003).   Former CIA agent Bob Baer told The New Statesman, "If you want them to be tortured, you send them to Syria.   If you want someone to disappear — never to see them again — you send them to Egypt,"
Since CIA officials knew the fate in store of those rendered, the US is in utter violation of international laws on torture which are binding on it.
It's not necessary anymore to hedge discussion of the program with words like "alleged," for Masri is only the latest in a long line of renditions without cause/due process of any kind: Mamdouh Habib, an Egyptian-born Australian citizen, seized by a CIA team in Pakistan in October 2001, sent to Egypt, burned, electrocuted and beaten till he bled in his sleep from his nose, mouth, and ears, was dumped in Guantanamo and then released without being charged; Mohamedou Oulad Slahi, a Mauritanian and former Canada resident, taken by the CIA to Jordan for interrogation for 8 months, was sent to Guantanamo and released; Muhammad Saad Iqbal Madni, an Egyptian imprisoned by Indonesia authorities in January 2002, flown to Egypt for interrogation, was returned to the CIA four months later, held for 13 months in Afghanistan, then sent to Guantanamo and later released; Maher Arar a naturalized Canadian citizen, kidnapped in New York in September 2002, was taken to Syria, held in a coffin and tortured with metal whips.   He proved to have no ties to terrorism and was released.
Masri is telling the truth.   There is just too much testimony from detainees that makes substantially the same charges, too many CIA admissions and leaks, too many eye-witness reports, the meticulously analyzed flight logs and even supporting medical evidence.
The Masri case is without any doubt an illegal operation involving authorities in at least five countries - Macedonia, Afghanistan, Germany, Albania, and the U.S.
Let me spell that out.   In pursuit of the global war on terror, the U.S. government, apparently conspiring with foreign intelligence, has snatched a citizen of one country off the streets of another for no credible reason whatsoever, violating the sovereignty of several foreign countries in the process.   It has then sent him to still another foreign country for torture for several months.   And, having found itself mistaken, it has confiscated/withheld the documents necessary for the victim to substantiate a legal claim against the US government.   There was no formal charge, there was no notification of the family, there were no witnesses called, there was no lawyer provided, there was no explanation or restitution offered.
Again, note.   The CIA held these prisoners in contravention of the laws even of the torturing countries.   Even Egypt, Syria or Jordan have legal systems - however harsh - that would have necessitated charges and a legal defense.   But as ex-FBI agent Dan Coleman has stated, "We're taking people, and keeping them in our own custody [my emphasis] in third countries.   That's an enormous problem....There was a process there [in Egypt]," Coleman says.   "But what's our process? We have no method over there other than our laws"and we've decided to ignore them.   What are we now, the Huns? If you don't talk to us, we'll kill you?" (7)
What is also clamoring to be asked is if the black sites allegedly in Eastern Europe - and according to the Post article, also in Thailand - are really all that there are to the story?
Given the extraordinary sensitivity of the whole program, what are the chances that CIA leaks tell the whole story? What about Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Pakistan, and many other countries partnered with the US in the global war on terror who have dismal human rights records.
Uzbekistan has recently been in the news about just that.   Craig Murray, the former British ambassador there, told 60 Minutes that Uzbek citizens, captured in Afghanistan, were flown back to Tashkent on an American plane operating on a regular basis.   Uzbeki torture techniques include drowning, suffocation, rape, and immersion in boiling liquid.   Murray calls these techniques "medieval" but there is not one that has not been used by the US, not only in the war on terror" but within US prisons.   When Murray complained that British intelligence was using information elicited by torture, he was recalled and quit the foreign service.(8)
Indonesia is another strong candidate to have black sites, since the Asian tsunami last year provided the perfect justification and cover for US spy satellites and military to enter the area.   Just this past November 23, the Bush administration announced it will lift a six-year arms embargo and resume full relations with the Indonesian military providing aid to "support US and Indonesian security objectives, including counterterrorism, [my emphasis] maritime security and disaster relief." (9)
And what about Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean? The US has vehemently denied a black site there, but what credibility do such denials have? Could the focus on Eastern Europe turn out to be an elaborate feint or a secondary story, as so much else in the uncovering of this story?
Masri claims he was not tortured but beaten.   How many unknown victims permanently "disappeared"?
Finally, let's not forget that the Masri case was known at the highest level and concealed with the knowledge of then National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice and Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage.   And for good reason.   At a time when the administration was frantically dismissing Abu Ghraib as a case of a "few rotten apples," Masri's case shows it for what it really was - a reckless policy put in place by the administration in violation of US and international laws.
Lila RajivaLila Rajiva is a free-lance journalist and author of "The Language of Empire: Abu Ghraib and the American media," (Monthly Review Press).
Notes:
1. Dana Priest, "Anatomy of a CIA rendition gone wrong," Washington Post, December 4, 2005.   Also, Dana Priest, "CIA Hold Terror Suspects in Secret Sites," Washington Post, November 2, 2005.
2. "Twist to terror suspects row as logs show 80 CIA planes visited UK," Guardian, UK, December 1, 2005 and "Reports of Secret U.S. Prisons in Europe Draw Ire and Otherwise Red Faces," Ian Fisher, NY Times, December 1, 2005.
3. "Paper: CIA flights made stopovers in France," AP, December 2, 2005.
4. "CIA's secret detainee flights concern Germany," AP November 26, 2005.
5. "Many Hints of CIA prison flights," AP, November 22, 2005.
6. "EU to probe reports of secret CIA prisons," AP, November 3, 2005
7. "Outsourcing Torture," Jane Meyer, New Yorker, February 7/14, 2005.
8. "CIA Flying Suspects To Torture?" CBS Sixty Minutes, March 6, 2005.
9. http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/11/23/152214.
       Film outlining massacre of Afghanistans can be viewed on      www.DemocracyNow.Org      
       Click here.    Archive date:    Thursday, May 20th, 2004.      
Afghanistan US military abuse of tribal people.

'After that I was so humiliated I couldn't see for my pain'

What I find is that the US Marines act with impunity.

They are conducting cordon and search operations designed to humiliate and terrorise the local community into compliance.

This is a rare and damning insight into what US forces are doing in that other “war on terror.”

Away from the eyes of the media, humiliation and brutalisation tactics similar to those used at Abu Ghraib are practiced here with impunity.

This documentary on Afghaistan by Carmela Baranowska that won the Walkley Award is a unique and unprecedented look at the sharp edge of the war on terror in one of the most remote and inaccessible places on earth.
Winner of the Walkley Award   Australian filmmaker   Carmela Baranowska.
What I find is that the US Marines act with impunity.  They are conducting cordon and search operations designed to humiliate and terrorise the local community into compliance.
This is a rare and damning insight into what US forces are doing in that other “war on terror.”
Away from the eyes of the media, humiliation and brutalisation tactics similar to those used at Abu Ghraib are practiced here with impunity.
This documentary is a unique and unprecedented look at the sharp edge of the war on terror in one of the most remote and inaccessible places on earth.
Unspeakable grief and horror
                        ...and the circus of deception continues...
He says, "You are quite mad, Kewe"
And of course I am.
Why, I don't believe any of it — not the bloody body, not the bloody mind, not even the bloody Universe, or is it bloody multiverse.
"It's all illusion," I say.   "Don't you know, my lad, my lassie.   The game!   The game, me girl, me boy!   Takes on interest, don't you know.   T'is me sport, till doest find a better!"
Pssssst — but all this stuff is happening down here
Let's change it!
To say hello:     hello[the at marker]Kewe.info
For Kewe's spiritual and metaphysical pages — click here
 
 

  Afghanistan — Western Terror States: Canada, US, UK, France, Germany, Italy      
       Photos of Afghanistan people being killed and injured by NATO