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Wednesday, 24 August 2005
Red Army's 'ghosts' of Afghanistan
By Tom Coghlan
BBC News
Baghlan province, northern Afghanistan
Former Red Army soldier Nasratullah

Nasratullah has built a new life in Afghanistan

Photos: Veronique de Vigeurie
Nasratullah has built a new life in Afghanistan
Photos: Veronique de Vigeurie
To the men of the Red Army who fought in Afghanistan, their elusive mujahideen enemy were always called simply the "Dukhi" - the ghosts.
But when their last tank rolled back across the Oxus river in February 1989, the Russians left behind some Cold War ghosts of their own.
In the hills of northern Afghanistan, there are still men with pale skin who talk Russian when they are together.
Until 1981, Nasratullah was a soldier in the Red Army called Nikolai.
Together with two others, now known as Rahmatullah and Aminullah, he survives from a total of five Soviet soldiers known to have been captured and converted to Islam.
They went on to fight against their old comrades with the mujahideen.
'Terrible fight'
The ill-fated Soviet adventure in Afghanistan is often compared to America's disastrous foray into Vietnam.
Russia says it lost 13,000 of its soldiers between 1979 and 1989.
An estimated 1.3m Afghans, mainly civilians, also died.
Today, 45-year-old Nasratullah is a softly spoken, melancholic, chain smoker who earns $80 a month as a policeman.
But until his conversion to Islam, he was a junior officer from an elite Soviet parachute regiment.
He agreed to be interviewed only with the encouragement of his former mujahideen comrades.   He remains close to the men who first captured him.
I didn't choose to convert.  The religion chose me
Nasratullah
"We captured Nasratullah during an ambush in Kaligai village in 1981," recalls his white bearded former commander, Sufi Payda Mohammed, eyes rimmed with kohl.
His mujahideen band operated in the steep-sided valleys of Baghlan province, along the key re-supply route from the Uzbek border to Kabul.
The mujahideen commander remembers "a very terrible fight" during which they killed around 20 Russian soldiers.
Nikolai was the sole survivor, captured after he exhausted his ammunition and hid in a drainage ditch under the road.
The area around what was known as Soviet Base 80 is still littered with the rusting tanks and destroyed supply vehicles.
Local people say Russian embassy officials returned to the area last year offering cash rewards for the location of the graves of missing Russian soldiers.   They left with six exhumed bodies.
Deserter
Nasratullah himself tells a different, more ideologically-driven version of how he came to fall into mujahideen hands.
He says he witnessed a massacre of more than 70 civilians at Kaligai.
Former mujahideen commander Sufi Payda Mohammed.

Sufi Mohammed says he captured Nasratullah in an ambush
Sufi Mohammed says he captured Nasratullah in an ambush
"We swore in the Russian army on the sword and the Bible to help society.   It was against the law what was done," he says.
In horror and disgust, he says he simply turned and walked away from his unit.
Prisoners were often killed by both sides, but Nikolai was found by villagers who cared for him and then passed him to the mujahideen.
It was a year, he says, before he decided to convert.   During that time he helped to mend mechanical equipment.
"I didn't choose to convert," he says today.   "The religion chose me."
His former captors deny that any of the men were forced to become Muslims, or did so through fear.
Amnesty
They were renamed by the clerics who converted them.  Nasratullah then spent eight years in the frontline with the mujahideen.  
A derelict and abandoned Soviet tank.

Remnants of the Soviet campaign litter the Afghan landscape
Remnants of the Soviet campaign litter the Afghan landscape
According to his comrades, the Russian converts were decent fighters and particularly useful for listening to Russian radio traffic.
"If you are in the frontline then you must fight and you must kill," is all he will say about fighting against his countrymen.
Nasratullah says he was born in 1960, in the Ukrainian city of Kharkov.   He will not give his last name.
His father was also a soldier in the Red Army and Nikolai attended a military academy, which he will not identify.
He volunteered for service in Afghanistan and served there for three months before his capture.
In July 1988, Moscow offered an amnesty to all Russian prisoners of war in Afghanistan, whatever they had done during their captivity.
None of the Russian converts took the offer, though all have visited Russia since the war.
"They said that they felt like white pigeons among black crows in Russia," says Sufi Muhammed.
"They told us 'we were devout and wanted to pray, but our families had no belief and didn't understand us'."
Disillusionment
When he visited the Ukraine in 1996, Nasratullah met some of his old Red Army comrades.
I have a good life here, though the economy is not very good
Nasratullah
He says he was relieved when they did not blame him for his conversion, or for joining the mujahideen.
Like many of the veterans of Vietnam, Russia's Afghan veterans have suffered wide disillusionment.
There were mass protests in June by some of the Ukraine's 150,000 Afghan war veterans, many of whom survive on a state pension of $40 a month.
"Russia and Afghanistan are not so different," says Nasratullah.   "I have a good life here, though the economy is not very good."
Under the Taleban, Nasratullah and his fellow Russians came to the attention of leader Mullah Mohammed Omar who, impressed with their devout lives, gave them homes and businesses.
All three have local wives and families.   Three years ago, Nasratullah had a daughter he named Mosal.
But after the Taleban fell in 2001, the houses were reclaimed and none of the three is considered rich.
Locally, they are regarded as curiosities, and admired for being devout.
Nasratullah says that while he has the support of his old mujahideen comrades and his Islamic faith he will never leave Afghanistan.
BACKGROUND

A TIMES INVESTIGATION
Two Deaths Were a 'Clue That Something's Wrong'
A Special Forces team in Afghanistan failed to alert its superiors.   Witnesses tell of torture.
By Craig Pyes and Kevin Sack, Special to The Times
September 25, 2006
WAZI, Afghanistan — The Green Berets of ODA 2021 were on high alert as their convoy rumbled down the winding, rutted road that day in March 2003.   The team had been tipped that armed men loyal to the notoriously volatile warlord Pacha Khan Zadran lay in wait around the bend.
As they approached this mountain village in eastern Afghanistan, the Americans spied the warlord's fighters high on a ridge to their right.   They scrambled for cover behind their trucks and Humvees.
Moments later, machine-gun fire and rocket-propelled grenades rained down on their vulnerable position.
Though pinned down, the Americans responded with a fusillade of their own.
Chief Warrant Officer Kenneth C.  Waller
Chief Warrant Officer Kenneth C.  Waller
"The air was snapping like Rice Crispies [sic]," the Special Forces team's newly assigned commander, Chief Warrant Officer Kenneth C.  Waller, 32, wrote in a florid after-action report.
"So many rounds were flying back and forth that lead was overcoming the oxygen in the air."
The battle raged for 45 minutes, then A-10 attack planes and Apache helicopters flew in and strafed the Afghans into retreat.
There were no casualties among the 17 Americans on patrol that day.
"It seemed as if we had an angelic bubble surrounding our position," Waller reported to headquarters.
Omitted mention of what happened next
Though Waller filed several detailed and colorful accounts of the battle, he apparently omitted any mention of what happened next.
As some members of ODA 2021 pursued the warlord's men into the hills, others moved into the village to search the mud-walled houses for fighters.
They detained three unarmed men for questioning.   Two of them, brothers Jan and Wakil Mohammed, told the soldiers they were just returning from evening prayers at the mosque and had nothing to do with the shootout.
Suddenly, another band of five or six Green Berets emerged from the hills where they had been chasing Pacha Khan's men.   They had no interpreters.
REENACTMENT:

In Wazi, Jan Mohammed, right, demonstrates how he says his brother Wakil pleaded with U.S.  soldiers.

The military listed Wakil's death as a murder.

It has reopened its inquiry.

Photo: Craig Pyes/LA Times
REENACTMENT:
In Wazi, Jan Mohammed, right, demonstrates how he says his brother Wakil pleaded with U.S.  soldiers.
The military listed Wakil's death as a murder.
It has reopened its inquiry.
Fell dead at brother's feet
"Those soldiers were running toward us and yelling in English, and we didn't understand what they were saying," Jan Mohammed recalled in an interview.
Amid the confusion, he said, his brother grew frantic.
Wakil, a woodcutter and father of two, raised his hands and shouted in Pashto, "De Khoday day para ma me vala!" according to his brother.   "For God's sake, don't shoot me!"
There was a burst of gunfire from one soldier, Jan Mohammed said, and three rounds ripped into Wakil.   One struck him in the mouth.   He fell dead at his brother's feet.
At day's end, Waller would report to his chain of command that six enemy fighters had been killed in action.
But the circumstances of Wakil's death were not described in Waller's reports, and Army criminal investigators would later determine that the killing could not be classified as a battlefield casualty.
Last year, they listed it as a murder.
However, the military has since reopened its probe, and investigators decline to say whether the same charges are being pursued.
Body showed signs of severe beating
It would not be the only questionable death of a detainee in the custody of ODA 2021, nor the only one that leaders of the 10-man field team would fail to disclose to superiors in the Alabama National Guard's 20th Special Forces Group.
Within days of the Wazi killing, an 18-year-old Afghan army recruit named Jamal Naseer died after being interrogated at the team's firebase in Gardez, about 25 miles to the north.   Multiple witnesses say his body showed signs of severe beating and other abuse.   His brother and six others also held at Gardez say they were tortured.
The commander over all Special Forces in Afghanistan at the time, then-Col.  James G.  "Greg" Champion, said in a brief interview that neither death was reported up the chain of command.   Champion, a National Guardsman who has since been promoted to brigadier general, said he did not hear of the deaths until 18 months later, when he learned that The Times was investigating.
The team's battalion commander also said that neither death was reported to him.
"Two unreported deaths in a few days are a clue that something's wrong" with that team, said a military official familiar with the incidents, who asked not to be identified.
There were others who helped keep the secrets of the base.
The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan, or UNAMA, which was responsible for monitoring human rights abuses, was informed that Naseer's death in Gardez probably involved "torture and other cruel and inhuman treatment" by Special Forces troops.
But U.N.  officials acknowledge they did not report it to American authorities for at least 13 months, and U.S.  officials say it was never reported at all.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times

A TIMES INVESTIGATION
Two Deaths Were a 'Clue That Something's Wrong'
A Special Forces team in Afghanistan failed to alert its superiors.   Witnesses tell of torture.
By Craig Pyes and Kevin Sack, Special to The Times
September 25, 2006
Knowledge of death spread throughout Paktia province
The provincial governor helped conceal the mistreatment by arranging for the late-night removal of Naseer's body from the military base.   He also ordered the abrupt transfer of the other detainees from the base to the custody of the local police chief after they had been held many days beyond what military procedures allowed.
Though U.S.  commanders in Afghanistan said they did not know about the death, word spread throughout Paktia province, according to Gen.  Hajji Abdul Sattar, the Paktia attorney general for intelligence.   He said no one spoke out or complained, however, because "people were scared that … the same thing would happen to them."
The Army's Criminal Investigation Command has been examining both deaths and apparent cover-ups for two years, since learning about them from The Times and the Crimes of War Project, a Washington-based nonprofit educational organization, which first confirmed Naseer's death.
Spoiling for a fight
ODA 2021's missions and tactics became markedly more aggressive after Waller took charge of the Special Forces detachment in February 2003, a month before the questionable deaths in Wazi and Gardez.
He recently had been reassigned from another Special Forces unit, where some of his men complained that his gung-ho leadership style put them at unnecessary risk.
Waller was characterized by several 20th Group officials as deeply affected by the Sept.  11 attacks and having come to Afghanistan "spoiling for a fight."
In Gardez, he was able to set his sights squarely on Pacha Khan, the warlord who had been destabilizing the countryside for months.
Pacha Khan's men were suspected of extorting illegal payments from truckers on the road from Gardez to Khowst, supporting anti-government forces, and staging an ambush that wounded the ODA's battalion chief during a Thanksgiving trip to Gardez.
But at the Pentagon and State Department, Pacha Khan was regarded as a political figure and thus a problem for the new Afghan government, not the U.S.  military.   The Special Forces team chafed at the political constraints on its freedom to go after him.
Local U.N.  officials said they were struck by how deeply personal the conflict between the team and the warlord had become.   One of the officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, recalled that one Green Beret likened the team's rivalry with Pacha Khan to a blood feud.
Another U.N.  official said the same American soldier had told him that "he was so frustrated with [Pacha Khan] that he was going to kill him."
$3,000 and truck provided by CIA
Unmanned Predator aircraft patrolled the skies over Paktia province, their cameras trained on the 17 checkpoints along the mountain road linking Khowst and Gardez.   What they recorded convinced U.S.  intelligence officials that trucks hauling firewood and produce were again being stopped and forced to pay bribes.
At the most infamous checkpoint, atop Sato Kandaw Pass, drivers typically had to pay $10 or $15, according to a March 2, 2003, Army intelligence report.   The money was being split between Pacha Khan and a former Taliban official, Jalaludin Haqqani, the report said.
Ahmad Naseer, known as Commander Parre.
Ahmad Naseer, known as Commander Parre
Situated on a bend overlooking a sparsely vegetated valley, the Sato Kandaw checkpoint consisted of living quarters and a small mosque used as an armory.   The post was controlled by a former Pacha Khan lieutenant named Ahmad Naseer, better known as Commander Parre.
He had recently defected to the Afghan government in exchange for $3,000 and a truck provided by the CIA.   He said he saw the future of the country with the Americans, not with Pacha Khan.
Despite the change in management, reports of shakedowns persisted, along with complaints that female travelers were being harassed and that a young boy was being held as a sex slave.
Sato Kandaw was enough of a concern that Raz Mohammed Dalili, then the governor of Paktia, took the unusual step of asking American troops to remove the checkpoint.   Dalili, in an interview, said he had made his request to a Special Forces soldier named Mike.
There was no ODA 2021 member named Mike at the time, military documents show.   However, Sgt.  1st Class Michael E.  MacMillan, an intelligence analyst and member of the regular Army's 7th Special Forces Group at Ft.  Bragg, N.C., was then working with the Gardez unit.
Talk over Green tea
Described in correspondence from Waller as the team's "intelligence agent," MacMillan was assigned to conduct interrogations and collect information for combat operations, including one at Sato Kandaw, according to several people familiar with the team.   MacMillan, contacted at his home in North Carolina, declined to be interviewed for this report and shut his door.
Parre and his men had their guards down when the ODA (for Operational Detachment Alpha) arrived at Sato Kandaw on the chilly morning of March 5.   He said that they shook hands and that the soldier he knew as Mike asked to talk over green tea.
Parre said he knew Mike because the Americans had stopped by from time to time to collect intelligence.   The checkpoint commander thought it odd when some of the Americans scrambled to take positions along the road and on the high bluffs, but Mike assured him it was merely a precaution.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times

A TIMES INVESTIGATION
Two Deaths Were a 'Clue That Something's Wrong'
A Special Forces team in Afghanistan failed to alert its superiors.   Witnesses tell of torture.
By Craig Pyes and Kevin Sack, Special to The Times
September 25, 2006
The beatings continued
But ODA 2021 also was reluctant to transfer the detainees to local police custody.   A March 6 communique from the Special Forces team expressed doubts about the Gardez police chief's loyalty and reliability and said ODA 2021 was working with the governor to find other ways to keep the Sato Kandaw detainees in custody.
At a meeting of security authorities in Gardez, Mike from ODA 2021 warned the police chief and the other local commanders that he would kill them if they released his prisoners, according to U.N.  officials who reacted angrily to the blunt talk.
For the moment, however, Parre and his men remained in custody at the firebase, and the beatings continued.
Mission to Wazi
A week after their successful Sato Kandaw operation, Waller and ODA 2021 were ready to push farther into Pacha Khan country.
Col.  Champion approved plans for what the team described as a simple reconnaissance patrol of the Wazi district.
However, there are indications Waller wanted his team to be prepared for more.
He borrowed two soldiers from another Special Forces team, a security detachment generally excluded from combat operations.   And he tried unsuccessfully to enlist members of a commando unit that reported to a different chain of command.
Waller's men loaded an extra machine gun into each truck and stacked in so much ammunition that there was little room for their feet.   "We were going hunting this time," one team member said.
If they left Gardez looking for a fight, they found it with Pacha Khan's men on the road outside Wazi.
In his post-battle reports, Waller took obvious relish in describing one of his team's kills to his battalion commander, Lt.  Col.  Steven W.  Duff, who had been wounded in the Thanksgiving ambush in the same region.
Waller told Duff that the team's weaponry sergeant, Joseph T.  "Todd" Henderson, "got one of the bastards associated with shooting you.   The bastard nearly exploded as the shell ripped through his chest cavity."
The team leader said that his weaponry sergeant "takes this personally since he was on your convoy when you were shot….   Sorry we could not have got them all."
Waller concluded: "This team does not have any queers.   You should have seen them laughing during the fight ….   Told you we would find them."
Everyone took turns kicking me
The day's events at Wazi had not ended with the shooting of Wakil Mohammed.   The victim's brother, Jan, was taken into custody along with a neighbor, Dawood Khan.
Both men told The Times that while held overnight in Gardez, they were forced to kneel and press their foreheads against a wall.   Every time they sat back, they said, they were kicked in the small of the back and the chest.
"At first they didn't ask us any questions," Mohammed said.   "Everyone who was there took turns kicking me, and when I fell on the ground from the blows they started to stomp on me.   We were forced to stay on our knees, and my knees were injured from the stones on the ground.   I felt really bad pain in my chest."
He said the Americans eventually asked him about his brother, but he couldn't concentrate.   "I kept seeing my brother's face and the gunshot in his mouth," he said.
Submerged to verge of drowning
Dawood Khan said his interrogators asked whether Mohammed was one of Pacha Khan's commanders.   "I told them, 'No, he has no connection,' " he said.
He said that after being beaten he was twice dunked in a tub of icy water and submerged to the verge of drowning.   He said he and Mohammed were forced to stay awake through a cold night.
The two villagers were released the next day with clean sets of clothing.   A report to headquarters described them as cooperative.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times

A TIMES INVESTIGATION
Two Deaths Were a 'Clue That Something's Wrong'
A Special Forces team in Afghanistan failed to alert its superiors.   Witnesses tell of torture.
By Craig Pyes and Kevin Sack, Special to The Times
September 25, 2006
Heroes and 'Idiots'
Waller's bosses at battalion headquarters were thrilled the team had escaped casualties in the attack at Wazi.   The National Guardsmen had "performed heroically," a battalion operations officer wrote to Waller, encouraging him to nominate his men for battlefield awards.
The Afghan checkpoint at Sato Kandaw, where Ahmad Naseer, known as Commander Parre, and his men were seized.

U.S.  investigators believed extortion and other abuse were occurring there.

Photo: Craig Pyes/LA Times
The Afghan checkpoint at Sato Kandaw, where Ahmad Naseer, known as Commander Parre, and his men were seized.
U.S.  investigators believed extortion and other abuse were occurring there.
He did, later nominating every soldier in the fight, including himself, for either the Silver or Bronze Star, according to military documents.
But in the same laudatory message, the operations officer informed Waller that he had recommended his removal from command of ODA 2021 for, "among other things, the extremely unprofessional remarks" in his reports.
"This is yet another example in a long line of incidents with you that has resulted in this battalion, and more importantly, your teams looking like idiots instead of getting the recognition they rightfully deserve," the battalion officer wrote.
By this time, Champion's 20th Special Forces Group was in the process of turning over the Special Operations task force to its replacement, the 3rd Special Forces Group, based at Ft.  Bragg.
The new guys were regular Army all the way, and they did not much care for Waller's references to the air "snapping like Rice Crispies" or the team's "angelic bubble" of protection, the operations officer wrote.
"All they see is that we are a Guard unit operating unprofessionally in a combat zone," he wrote.   "If Champion wasn't in command yesterday, you would be in a world of shit right now."
Only 18, he was perceived to be the most vulnerable
In Gardez, the days of detention for Parre and his men continued to mount.
Parre said he believed his brother, Jamal, was subjected to the harshest interrogation because, at only 18, he was perceived to be the most vulnerable.   When he first saw Jamal a few days after their capture, his brother's body was already black and blue and swollen, Parre said.
He said Jamal told him the Americans had forced him to stand with arms and legs outstretched as they took turns beating him.   He was moaning about the pain in his kidneys and back, Parre said.
On the afternoon Jamal died — Parre fixes the date at March 16, 2003, though that could not be verified — he saw two men assisting his brother, who was having difficulty walking.   There was no interpreter, Parre said, so he and an American soldier pantomimed their way through a discussion of Jamal's condition.
First the American jabbed a finger into his arm to show that Jamal had been given an IV drip, Parre said.   Then he shook his head to suggest it hadn't worked.   He pumped his fist like a heart, and again shook his head negatively.   Parre said he didn't fully understand at the time, but he feared the worst.   Eventually, he was escorted into a tent to see his brother.
Jamalah, Jamalah
"I thought he was smiling at me, and so I smiled back," Parre recounted.   "I thought Jamal wanted to tell me that I was worrying for nothing.   And I went to him and shook him and said, 'Jamalah, Jamalah,' and then I realized that he had been martyred."
Parre adjusted the body so that Jamal's head pointed to Mecca, and started to cry.
Later that night, Parre said, several Americans entered the tent, put their hands over their hearts and offered condolences.   But he said the man he knew as Mike asserted that Jamal had died of an illness, not at the hands of the Americans.
"No, my brother was healthy," Parre said he responded.   "His brain, his heart, his legs, he was not sick.   He had no history of sickness or injury in any part of his body.   He died because of your cruelty."
Everybody's on the same sheet of paper
ODA 2021 held a team meeting shortly after Jamal's death, according to an American soldier based in Gardez.   The team was advised that the Afghan had died of a sex-related infection that shut down his kidneys, the soldier said.   The point of the meeting, he said, was "to make sure everybody's on the same sheet of paper — this is what happened to the man," in case there was an investigation.
Capt.  Craig Mallak, medical examiner for the U.S.  armed forces, said Naseer's death was never reported to his office.   He said it would have been required unless the detainee was deemed to have died of natural causes.   Authorities at a civilian hospital in Gardez, where Naseer's body was transferred, said they performed no autopsy.
A hospital worker who prepared the body for burial said in an interview that "it was completely black."   Hajji Abdul Qayum said Jamal's face was "dark and looked like it was burned."   He said it was "completely swollen, as were his palms, and the soles of his feet were swollen double in size."
"I have no idea what he might have been beaten with," the hospital worker said.
Naseer's mother, Kajala, also viewed her son's body before burial.   She told Afghan military investigators that "the entire body was full of injuries."
Dr.  Michael Baden, a prominent forensic pathologist who works for the New York State Police, said the descriptions were inconsistent with death by organ failure.   "You can't confuse those," he said.   "It sounds very much like blunt trauma."
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times

A TIMES INVESTIGATION
Two Deaths Were a 'Clue That Something's Wrong'
A Special Forces team in Afghanistan failed to alert its superiors.   Witnesses tell of torture.
By Craig Pyes and Kevin Sack, Special to The Times
September 25, 2006
It was caused by blunt-force trauma
After Jamal died, Gov.  Dalili arranged for the late-night transfer of the body to the local hospital, according to an Afghan military inquiry.   He also ordered the transfers of Parre and his men to the local jail.
There, local physician Aziz Ulrahman examined the prisoners and described them as battered and bruised, with seeping, unbandaged wounds.   He said Parre's feet were black.   "We have no terminology for that," he said.   "It was caused by blunt-force trauma."
A few days later, a delegation from Afghanistan's Judicial Reform Commission happened to visit the Gardez police station and came face to face with Parre and his men.   The delegation, which included a representative from the Italian Embassy and several Afghan jurists, did not report the prisoners' condition, although witnesses said it was discussed.
A political officer with the U.N.  mission in Afghanistan was with the group and interviewed Parre and his men.   He wrote a detailed memo noting that one Afghan soldier had died in U.S.  custody and raising the possibility that Special Forces might have been involved in "cruel and inhuman treatment" of detainees.
Though his memo cautioned that the detainees' accounts should not be taken at face value, it said their wounds and injuries "seemed consistent with their accounts of beating and torture."   He recommended that the U.N.  report the incident for investigation.
There is no record that U.N.  officials informed U.S.  or coalition authorities about the Gardez case for at least 13 months, if at all.
Several U.N.  officials acknowledged that the report seemed to have fallen into "a black hole" after making its way to the mission's headquarters in Kabul, the Afghan capital.
No recollection of hearing about the case
It was only in the spring of 2004, U.N.  officials said, that they forwarded the information to the U.S.  Embassy in Kabul.   However, Zalmay Khalilzad, who was then the U.S.  ambassador to Afghanistan, said he had no recollection of hearing about the case, and no mention of the death was found in embassy records, a spokesman said.
Both Lakhdar Brahimi, head of the U.N.  assistance mission when Jamal Naseer died, and his successor, Jean Arnault, declined to comment on the U.N.'s handling of the matter.
Parre and his companions were later moved secretly to a civilian prison in Kabul, still without any formal charges.   Afghan military prosecutors immediately launched an investigation into their unexplained detention.
That inquiry produced a 117-page report asserting that the detainees had been tortured and that there was a "strong probability" that one of the men had been "murdered."   The report speculated that the prolonged imprisonment was intended to give the detainees' wounds time to heal.
When the Afghan attorney general ordered all seven released, it came after 58 days of captivity.   No charges were ever filed against any of the men.
Reason most likely political
It wasn't long after Parre and his men were ousted from Sato Kandaw that ODA 2021 got word that Pacha Khan had reclaimed the checkpoint.   The team mounted another patrol to the mountain pass, where a confrontation on the road erupted in gunfire.
Ahmad Naseer, known as Commander Parre.
Ahmad Naseer, known as Commander Parre
The circumstances remain in dispute.   ODA 2021 reported that an enemy vehicle had come barreling toward the American convoy and that the driver had been "engaged and killed," while five other men escaped.
According to Pacha Khan's family, the driver was on his way to get food for the checkpoint's soldiers.   The dead driver was the warlord's eldest son, Jalani Khan.   His body was left on the roadside.
Several days later, the team reported that every checkpoint along the road from Khowst to Gardez seemed to be clear.   Pacha Khan's influence was waning, and much of the credit went to Waller's team.
"The guys in Gardez … are having a significant effect on the area," an official with the Special Operations task force wrote to colleagues.
But with tensions inflamed by the killing of Pacha Khan's son, and with the 20th Group about to head home, Champion reined in the team.   Waller's proposals for two patrols targeting the warlord were rejected.
The commander's "gut reaction," explained a March 28 note to Duff from Champion's staff, "is that Chief Waller is just out looking for another fight with PKZ, whom we've been told to back off of ….   The [commander] is concerned that guys are rattling the tree, but what they are getting is criminal elements [versus terrorists], and we are not cops."
As they packed their gear in early April, the 20th Group's field commanders were frustrated to be leaving the warlord at large.
"Pacha Khan Zadran is probably now laughing at the Americans," the commander of the Special Forces team in Khowst wrote to superiors.
Maj.  Rick Rhyne, the incoming 3rd Group operations chief, shrugged off the complaint.
"There is a reason, most likely political, that we cannot touch him," he wrote.   "He can laugh all he wants to."
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times

A TIMES INVESTIGATION
Two Deaths Were a 'Clue That Something's Wrong'
A Special Forces team in Afghanistan failed to alert its superiors.   Witnesses tell of torture.
By Craig Pyes and Kevin Sack, Special to The Times
September 25, 2006
EPILOGUE: Inquiries Are Underway, so Far Without Charges
In the years since ODA 2021 returned to its red-clay roots, the interrogation methods practiced by some Special Forces units in Afghanistan migrated to Iraq.
Early warnings seem to have been disregarded.   In Afghanistan, the International Committee of the Red Cross complained of mistreatment as early as December 2002.   It delivered a private report to top U.S.  military commanders alleging widespread abuse at the firebases at the very time Parre and his men were being held in Gardez.
40 former firebase prisoners described beatings, kickings, verbal threats, sleep and food deprivation, immersion in icy water and prolonged exposure to extreme cold
The Red Cross had interviewed more than 40 former firebase detainees who described beatings, kickings, verbal threats, sleep and food deprivation, immersion in icy water and prolonged exposure to extreme cold, according to a copy of the previously undisclosed report, which was obtained from U.S.  government sources.
Initially, U.S.  officials reacted skeptically, dismissing the Red Cross claims.
"Don't get all spun up on this," advised Maj.  Rhyne, the Special Operations officer, in a note to battalion commanders.   "Just let the teams know there were allegations but no proof."
Capt.  Sean McMahon, a judge advocate general for the Special Operations task force, wrote to others on the headquarters staff that the allegations were vague.   But he said Lt.  Gen.  Dan McNeill, then commander of U.S.-led forces in Afghanistan, wanted all interrogators reminded of proper methods.
The interrogators needed to understand, McMahon wrote, that "if they are implementing certain procedures, they must cease."
No one has been charged
Some members of ODA 2021 have come under criminal investigation stemming from the deaths of Jamal Naseer and Wakil Mohammed.   No one has been charged, and the names of those targeted by the inquiry have not been released.
The Army's Criminal Investigation Command has no timetable for completing the inquiries into either death, spokesman Christopher P.  Grey said.
The investigations have proved challenging, he said, because of difficulties locating witnesses and barriers in language and culture.   The families refused to allow the exhumation of either victim, citing religious beliefs.
But the investigators also have been hampered by missteps.
When the CID first looked into Naseer's death, it was unable to identify the victim and dropped the matter quickly.   After he was identified by The Times and the Crimes of War Project, the case was reopened.   In Mohammed's case, investigators operated for at least a year under the assumption that he had died two months earlier than he did.
Last year, Army investigators recommended that one soldier be charged with murder in the Wazi shooting, and another with dereliction of duty for not reporting the incident.   The recommendations were sent to the U.S.  Army Special Forces Command at Ft.  Bragg.
The case was reopened last year, and the CID spokesman would not say whether the agency was pursuing similar charges more than a year later.
The Times attempted to interview every member of ODA 2021 and others in the chain of command.   One who declined to be interviewed was former team leader Waller, who said he preferred to let the military legal system finish its work.   "I'm not at liberty to discuss it while it's under investigation," he said.
Waller continues to work full time at the 20th Group headquarters.
Promoted to general
Champion, the National Guard colonel who directed all Special Forces in Afghanistan in 2002-03, was promoted to general in 2004.
He recently completed a tour as deputy commanding general over all operations in Afghanistan.
He acknowledged in a telephone interview that he had been contacted by Army investigators, but he declined to comment further.
"We'll see what happens with the investigation and where it goes," he said.
Pacha Khan remained a problem for the American forces well after the 20th Group's departure.
Over the next two years, however, the warlord grudgingly ended hostilities with the Afghan government and became part of it.
In 2004, his youngest son was appointed governor of the new administrative district of Wazi Zadran.   And last fall, the warlord himself made a bid for elected office.
Today, the nemesis of ODA 2021 is a member of the new Afghan parliament.
About this series
"Firebase Gardez" examines the deployment to Afghanistan of a decorated Alabama National Guard unit.   It is the result of a yearlong investigation in the U.S.  and Afghanistan by Times staff writer Kevin Sack and freelance investigative journalist Craig Pyes.   It was written by Sack.
Pyes, a two-time Pulitzer Prize winner and frequent contributor to the newspaper, reported from Afghanistan jointly for The Times and the Crimes of War Project, a Washington-based nonprofit that describes itself as "a collaboration of journalists, lawyers and scholars dedicated to raising public awareness of the laws of war."   In 2004, the group provided The Times with the first evidence of an unreported Afghan death in U.S.  custody and joined with the newspaper to investigate further.   That led to a military inquiry by the Army's Criminal Investigation Command that continues today.
The Times reviewed thousands of pages of internal military documents to reconstruct the period when a 10-member Special Forces combat team called ODA 2021 (for Operational Detachment Alpha) was assigned to the Gardez firebase.
Every member of the team was contacted.   Most declined to be interviewed or referred reporters to public affairs officers.   The Army and all of its subordinate commands — the U.S.  Central Command, U.S.  Special Operations Command, Army Special Forces Command, 20th Special Forces Group and the Alabama National Guard — declined to comment.
Times researchers Nona Yates and Janet Lundblad contributed to these reports.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times
On Bush:
"This speech was, in the immortal words of Hunter S.  Thompson, a nest of gibberish.  Columnist Paul Krugman of the New York Times holds the opinion that this was deliberate.
“Karl Rove and other insiders must know all this,” wrote Krugman in a Tuesday editorial titled ‘Going for Broke.’
“So they must figure that once they have won the election, they will have such a complete lock on power that they can break many of their promises with impunity.
What will they do with that lock on power?
Their election strategy — confuse the middle, but feed the base — suggests the answer.”
The best moments in the speech came from a completely unexpected realm.
Bush’s people salted the room with young soldiers resplendent in their uniforms.
The cameras flashed to them every time Bush pledged his undying respect for them, and every time he said matters in Iraq are going famously well.
The soldiers reacted with dead faces, muted clapping, and about as much enthusiasm as one might find in the waiting room outside a proctology clinic."
On torture:
"The solution lies with the veterans themselves.
The issue of accountability for abuses could ultimately become a populist issue.  
Soldiers and veterans groups could complain that troops are being made into scapegoats, and that the Pentagon and CIA have sold them down the river.  
Groups like Soldiers for the Truth and Veterans for Common Sense have already spoken out against higher-level impunity and are starting to ask tough questions.
Why are the current investigations only focusing on lower-level troops like Charles Graner and Lynndie England?
Why are the grunts paying for the crimes of the Pentagon top brass, the civilian hawks and the CIA spooks?"

If torture is good,
and black is white
then day is night
and wrong is right
Are these the truths
for which you fight?
If not, then
pass it on.

Bush on torture — click here
(sorry — the elite who control the media removed it)
If you've ever wondered why the world is so mad, you need only look at THE LAW.
This video does not show torture.
It shows a Bush press conference segment,
and after,
the implications that lead from it.
Bush insists the problem lies not with TORTURE, but with the LAWS interpreting it.
He wants to justify a crime against humanity by making it LEGAL.
If torture is good,
and black is white
then day is night
and wrong is right
Are these the truths
for which you fight?
If not, then
pass it on.
uruknet.info
اوروكنت.إنفو
informazione dal medio oriente
information from middle east
المعلومات من الشرق الأوسط
UK suspects in new claims of torture
at Guantanamo
Robert Verkaik, Independent
21 September 2006 The extent of the torture and abuse that British residents held at Guantanamo Bay claim to have suffered is revealed for the first time in a series of recently declassified interviews between the detainees and their human rights lawyers.
Documents submitted to the American courts allege that one of the detainees was strapped to a chair by prison guards and beaten and tortured to the point of death.
Other British suspects are still being held in solitary confinement, four years after their capture, where they are subjected to extreme temperatures, sleep deprivation and the confiscation of the most basic necessities, including lavatory paper and blankets.
None has been charged with any crime.
Some of the most serious allegations of torture concern the treatment of Shaker Aamer, a Saudi national who until his arrest four years ago had been living in London with his wife and four children.
When he screamed, they cut his airway, put a mask so he could not cry out
In June this year, Mr Aamer claims he was badly beaten and tortured because he failed to provide a retina scan and fingerprints to the camp authorities.   He says he was strapped to a chair, fully restrained at the head, arms and legs.
The habeas corpus motion filed in the court of the District of Columbia states: "The MPs [military police] inflicted so much pain, Mr Aamer said he thought he was going to die.   The MPs pressed on pressure points all over his body: his temples, just under his jawline, in the hollow beneath his ears.   They choked him.   They bent his nose so hard he thought it would break.
"They pinched his thighs and feet constantly.   They gouged his eyes.   They held his eyes open and shined a Maglite [torch] in them for minutes on end, generating intense heat.   They bent his fingers until he screamed.   When he screamed, they cut off his airway, then put a mask on him so he could not cry out."
Mr Aamer, who had been resident in Britain since 1996, was used as key negotiator on behalf of the prisoners during recent hunger strikes.
But when a settlement between the prisoners and the guards broke down last year he was sent to solitary confinement.   This month he was visited by his lawyer from the human rights charity Reprieve.   Mr Aamer told the lawyer that he had not seen the sun for 79 days and had had no meaningful contact with the outside world.
In a harrowing account of his torture he said: "At any moment, they can strip you naked.   They will put your head in the toilet in the name of security.   It is all about humiliation.   They are trying to break me."
Bisher al-Rawi, another British resident captured by the Americans in Gambia after alleged collusion between the CIA and MI5 officers, is also being held in solitary confinement at another detention centre known as Camp V.
Mr al-Rawi has stopped co-operating with his interrogators because they are still seeking answers to the same questions they were asking when he was first arrested in 2002.
His resistance has cost him the few privileges he had and led to his interrogators using torture lasting for weeks.   The most common form of torture he has been forced to endure is the use of extreme temperatures in the cells.   During the day the guards let the temperatures reach 100 degrees and in the night take away his sheet and use the air conditioning system to create freezing conditions
Zachary Katznelson, the Reprieve lawyer who interviewed the men in Guantanamo, said the torture had been so severe that Mr Al Rawi had suffered wheezing and loss of consciousness.
The evidence relating to Mr al-Rawi is to be used to support an appeal already lodged at the High Court in London.   Two other British residents, Omar Deghayes and Ahmed Errachidi, are also being held in Camp V.
Ahmed Belbacha and Abdennour Sameur are in Camp II.   Jamil al-Banna is in Camp IV, the lowest security rated part of the prison.   An eighth man, Binyam Mohamed, is due to appear before a military commission.   All the men remain defiant and protest their innocence.
Reprieve, the British based human rights charity representing the men, says their detention is a gross breach of international law and an infringement of the Geneva Conventions.
Brothers of Dilawar, who died in U.S. custody
at secret detention center
Three brothers of Dilawar, who died in U.S. custody 18 months ago, pray at his grave in Yaqubi, about 140 kms (87 miles) south east of Kabul, May 13, 2004. 

The 22-year-old taxi driver died in U.S. custody at the secretive detention center at Bagram air base, north of Kabul, where he was held along with hundreds of others for suspected links to al Qaeda and the ousted Taliban regime.

Photo: REUTERS/Akram Saleh
Three brothers of Dilawar, who died in U.S. custody 18 months ago, pray at his grave in Yaqubi, about 140 kms (87 miles) south east of Kabul, May 13, 2004.
The 22-year-old taxi driver died in U.S. custody at the secretive detention center at Bagram air base, north of Kabul, where he was held along with hundreds of others for suspected links to al Qaeda and the ousted Taliban regime.
More on death of Dilawar
Afghanistan Part IV
The Practice of Torture by the American Army Widespread in Afghanistan
By Eric Leser
Le Monde
Tuesday 15 March 2005
Military reports, cited by Human Rights Watch, detail the treatment undergone by two Afghan prisoners who died in December 2002 at Baghram.   The same interrogation techniques were then applied to detainees in Abu Ghraib prison.   From our correspondent in New York.  
American Army internal reports detailing the conditions under which two Afghan prisoners were beaten to death in December 2002 in Baghram prison, north of Kabul, demonstrate, according to the human rights defense organization Human Rights Watch, that the use of torture was systematic in Afghanistan.
Close to thirty American soldiers could be indicted for having participated in the murders.   Two of them from the 377th Military Police Company of Cincinnati (Ohio), Sergeant James Boland and Private Willie Brand, have been charged: for abuse and assault in the first case, for involuntary manslaughter in the second.
According to researcher and Afghanistan specialist for Human Rights Watch in New York John Sifton, who has obtained a clandestine copy of the Army's reports, the prisoners died in December 2002, a year before the photographs of tortures and humiliations were taken in the Iraqi Abu Ghraib prison.
"These documents are equivalent to police notes.   They demonstrate the evolution of the inquiries, the testimonies, the proofs.   The Bush Administration and the Pentagon describe the problems of torture as isolated incidents that are not part of an overall plan.   The proofs show otherwise," Mr.  Sifton explains to Le Monde.
"The incidents are not isolated cases.   We cannot assert that they were the norm, but Private Brand acknowledges, for example, that he beat some twenty other detainees.   Blows and painful positions were used very frequently in Afghanistan.   According to our own inquiries, almost all the prisoners who subsequently testified underwent abuse in 2002," he adds.
The men of the 519th Military Intelligence Battalion who established the interrogation methods at Baghram did the same thing later at Abu Ghraib.
The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has launched a suit to obtain the army's reports officially under the Freedom of Information Act; however, they have been refused, since the inquiry is not yet terminated and several indictments could still be pronounced.   A Pentagon spokesman, Lieutenant-Colonel Jeremy Martin, has asserted that "the investigations are being intensively conducted and ...  [that] the guilty will be punished appropriately."
The two murdered prisoners were thirty-year-old Mullah Habibullah, the brother of a Taliban commander, and Dilawar, a 22-year-old taxi driver.   They died a week apart from one another and had been delivered to American troops by Afghan forces.   The New York Times, in its March 12 edition, cites extracts from the reports Human Rights Watch obtained, which detail the treatments undergone.
"Violent Traumas"
The two detainees were "chained in their cells and frequently beaten." The investigators cite "credible information" according to which four guards regularly "kicked them in the groin and the legs," "threw them against walls and tables," "forced them to stay in painful positions during interrogations and poured water into their mouths until they suffocated."
The autopsies completed by doctors and cited in the reports indicate that Dilawar's legs were so damaged that amputations would have been necessary.   Dilawar died of "violent trauma to the inferior extremities provoking coronary and arterial complications," according to a document dated July 6, 2004.
Mullah Habibullah died of a pulmonary embolism apparently linked to the presence of clots formed in his legs following blows received to them, according to a June 1, 2004 report.
Among the other soldiers under indictment, one "put his penis alongside the face" of a prisoner" and "simulated sodomization." "There were several other deaths in American prisons in Afghanistan before December 2002, and we would like to have information on this subject," explains John Sifton.   He also wonders "the reason why, in this matter, in those at Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo, no member of American intelligence services, and notably of the CIA, has been indicted, even though they had overall control of the interrogations and the prisoners."

Translation: t r u t h o u t French language correspondent Leslie Thatcher.

Go to Original
GIs against Tortur
By John Sifton
The Nation
28 March 2005 Issue
The torture scandal shows no signs of abating.   Almost every day, new allegations surface about mistreatment of detainees in US military and CIA custody.   Last week Iraqi and Afghan plaintiffs filed suit against Donald Rumsfeld alleging that they suffered torture while in American custody in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the Washington Post broke a major story about a death-by-torture in a secret CIA-run prison north of Kabul.
But while media coverage of the scandal isn't subsiding, neither is public furor escalating.   The Defense Department and the CIA continue to quietly direct attention away from some of the more sensitive abuse cases — the 2003 killings of several "ghost" detainees by personnel in Iraq, for instance — by putting accused military personnel before nonjudicial punishment boards, closed to the public, and hiding CIA involvement behind classified-evidence shields.   The Administration has shrugged off the Rumsfeld suit and the CIA scandal in typical fashion, cataloguing its past investigations and promising that all new allegations will be thoroughly investigated.
The strategy seems to be working.   Most implicated troops are getting off without significant punishment (in two-thirds of known abuse cases, troops have received only administrative punishments like reprimands and demotions), and no CIA officers have been charged (though one CIA contractor, David Passaro, is awaiting trial in North Carolina for the killing of a detainee in Afghanistan in 2003).   Few members of Congress are looking into the issue, save some dedicated Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee.   The Senate Armed Services Committee, which held hearing into the abuse charges last summer, has put further hearings on hold.   Minority Democrats on that committee are powerless to push the issue, and Democrats generally are pulling their punches.
Senator John McCain could help move things forward.   As a second-ranking Republican on the Armed Services Committee, and as a torture victim himself, he possesses unique influence to jump-start the hearings.   He has also been a forceful and outspoken advocate on these issues in the past.
But there is a valid concern that pursuing further investigations will begin to look like a witch hunt against troops, and thus a dangerous political issue, especially for someone considering a run for the White House.   (This is one reason John Kerry avoided the issue during his campaign.)
There is a way out of this trap.   The solution lies with the veterans themselves.   The issue of accountability for abuses could ultimately become a populist issue.   Soldiers and veterans groups could complain that troops are being made into scapegoats, and that the Pentagon and CIA have sold them down the river.
Groups like Soldiers for the Truth and Veterans for Common Sense have already spoken out against higher-level impunity and are starting to ask tough questions.   Why are the current investigations only focusing on lower-level troops like Charles Graner and Lynndie England? Why are the grunts paying for the crimes of the Pentagon top brass, the civilian hawks and the CIA spooks?
Some of the troops still being prosecuted for abuse are exploiting the argument further.   Several Navy SEALs facing trial in California for killing an Iraqi detainee in November 2003 have made this case, and threatened to drag the CIA into court as part their legal defense.   The government appears to have cut deals with some of the SEALs to keep them quiet.   A similar situation is unfolding in a case at Fort Carson, Colorado.   And David Passaro, the former CIA contractor on trial in North Carolina, recently invoked a "superior orders" defense.   He says he is being made a patsy by the government.
These implicated personnel, however guilty they are, should be given an opportunity to make their allegations.   And innocent whistleblowers should be given better protection to make complaints.   (Many soldiers are currently afraid to talk about abuse allegations, fearing for their careers or that they might be prosecuted for failing to report abuse, something that has in fact occurred.)
The troops know the truth better than anyone.   They understand that much of the alleged prison abuse was encouraged or condoned by military intelligence officials, CIA officers or civilian contractor interrogators — the very point the Administration denies.   They know that more serious abuse, and even torture of high-level detainees, was authorized or condoned by higher-level officials.   And they know that other freelance abuses, atrocities committed by various personnel on their own initiative, have gone unpunished — an omission that implicates the military and CIA.
Of course, lower-level troops who have committed abuse should not be let off.   They should be held accountable.   But real accountability for the scandal demands that responsible institutions also be put on trial, along with the people who run them.   As rights groups uncover more facts about abuse, they will need to partner with veterans groups to make this point effectively.
And former soldiers will need to be more vocal about these issues.   When veterans groups hold an antiwar rally in Fayetteville this March 19, on the two-year anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, they will need to move their rhetoric beyond "bringing the troops home" and start talking more about abuse issues.
Human rights and civil liberties groups cannot speak the truth alone.   On the abuse issue, the factual and contextual disconnects between divergent Americans is simply too great to tackle.   Veterans groups are in a unique position to re-establish the narrative about prison abuse so that the American public comes to understand the abuse issue not in terms of rotten apples but in terms of fruits from a poisonous tree.
© : t r u t h o u t 2005
Afghanistan US military abuse of tribal people.

'After that I was so humiliated I couldn't see for my pain'

What I find is that the US Marines act with impunity.

They are conducting cordon and search operations designed to humiliate and terrorise the local community into compliance.

This is a rare and damning insight into what US forces are doing in that other “war on terror.”

Away from the eyes of the media, humiliation and brutalisation tactics similar to those used at Abu Ghraib are practiced here with impunity.

This documentary on Afghaistan by Carmela Baranowska that won the Walkley Award is a unique and unprecedented look at the sharp edge of the war on terror in one of the most remote and inaccessible places on earth.
Winner of the Walkley Award   Australian filmmaker   Carmela Baranowska.
What I find is that the US Marines act with impunity.  They are conducting cordon and search operations designed to humiliate and terrorise the local community into compliance.
This is a rare and damning insight into what US forces are doing in that other “war on terror.”
Away from the eyes of the media, humiliation and brutalisation tactics similar to those used at Abu Ghraib are practiced here with impunity.
This documentary is a unique and unprecedented look at the sharp edge of the war on terror in one of the most remote and inaccessible places on earth.
Afghanistan 2017 — Drugs
Afghanistan 2012-2016
NATO: Afghanistan Heroin Who’s going to pay the bills.
8000 civilian casualties reported in US-led war in 2014.
A four-year-old boy was gunned down when US marines based in the province of Helmand mistakenly opened fire on the boy.
Afghan President Hamid Karzai has strongly condemned the US airstrike that killed 7 children and a woman in central Afghanistan
Statement of Islamic Emirate regarding UN mandate to extend NATO mission in Afghanistan
       The civilians had been going out to hunt birds with air rifles in the Nangarhar province when they were shot down by NATO forces.      
       20 U.S. troops involved in Kandahar massacre      
     Trump riding an elephant over Earth wars and their refugees      
     War Crimes by Obama NATO       
Afghanistan — U.S. soldiers cutting off body parts
Women sexually assaulted before being killed by US soldiers
“Sailor who refused to learn how to fire a gun because of 'immoral' Afghan war jailed for seven months
Afghanistan villagers bring their dead children killed by NATO US airstrike to the governor's office shouting: 'See they are children'
Dead fingers are tossed around within the company.
Afghanistan 2006-2011
As US casualties in Afghanistan rise, US Army suicides, drug use set new records
The US military massacred nine children in an airstrike in Afghanistan’s northeastern Kunar province targeted by helicopter gunships sent from a nearby base run by the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF)
Burn blankets and clothing and other items distributed by NATO coalition troops — Ghazni Afghanistan
An Afghanistan vehicle was trying to get into the main road when the two foreign occupation vehicles hit it and killed all four Afghanistan occupants — People throw stones and chant 'Death to Karzai' in reference to Hamid Karzai, the Afghan president.
     Another US war crime in Afghanistan       
     Children killed in home by US NATO     
      Do you enjoy the blood that much Obama!     
Afghanistan Part III
More on death of Dilawar
Afghanistan Part IV
 
 
CIA Obama the acting president
Every facial movement, gesture of the hand, word enunciated by the 44th president turns out to be a complete charade
The CIA — Obama — Illuminati
A long-term strategic CIA plan to recruit promising candidates
and steer these individuals and their families into positions of influence and power
Behavior modification
Phenomenological — structures of consciousness — programs
US policy has even less regard for human rights both abroad and at home



 
 
 
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human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues.